edited with an introduction by William A. Evans with the assistance of Elizabeth S. Sklar foreword by Alice C. Dalligan
Detroit to Fort Sackville, 1778-1779
Copyright © 1978 by the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library
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Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
MacLeod, Normand, ca. 1731-1796.
Detroit to Fort Sackville, 1778—1779.
1. MacLeod, Normand, 1731—1796. 2. Clark’s
Expedition to the Illinois, 1778-1779—Sources.
3. Northwest, Old—History—Devolution—1775-1783— Personal narratives. 4. Soldiers—Great Britain— Biography. I. Title.
E234.M28 1977 917.7’0V0924 77-13078
ISBN 978-0-8143-4338-8 (ebook)
Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Friends of the Detroit Public Library for financial assistance which makes possible the publication of this volume.
The publication of this volume in a freely accessible digital format has been made possible by a major grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Mellon Foundation through their Humanities Open Book Program.
Wayne State University Press thanks The Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library and The Indiana Historical Bureau for their generous permission to reprint material in this book.
Not since the days when Milo M. Quaife was official editor for the Burton Historical Collection has there been an opportunity to publish a major item from the collection. A bicentennial is a great catalyst, and it provided the impetus for the Friends of the Detroit Public Library to sponsor this work. The manuscript was purchased at an auction in Montreal, Canada, in 1971 with money from the Burton Endowment Fund. It is a small vellum bound notebook in fairly good condition, although evidence of part of a torn leaf indicates that some of the journal may be missing. The writing is fairly clear and the remaining pages intact. After one reads the journal, however, it seems remarkable that it is so well preserved. We can only imagine the hazards faced by the luggage in which it traveled.
Although Normand MacLeod was a British officer, Detroit may fairly claim him as its own. He did not arrive in an official capacity
until 1774, but there is evidence that his business affairs brought him here as early as 1768, so he was well acquainted with the town before assuming the position of town major.
While not in the forefront of the action, the fort at Detroit had an important role during the American Revolution. Its strategic location as a British outpost made it a point of interest to military leaders of both sides. MacLeod’s journal describes just one of the episodes planned within its walls.
Our gratitude for this chance to see one of our manuscripts come to life goes to the Friends of the Detroit Public Library and Paul Scupholm, Executive Director. Dr. R. D. Miles, Department of History, Wayne State University, and the staff of the Burton Historical Collection, particularly Joseph Oldenburg and Noel Van Gorden, who also prepared the index, had a hand in this production. The editor, William A. Evans, was a graduate student at Wayne State Uni- vii
versity when he began this work, and is now archivist of the Health and Hospitals Governing Commission of Cook County, Chicago, Illinois.
This first publication of Normand MacLeod’s journal is a worthy keepsake from Detroit’s history in its two hundred and seventy-fifth year.
Alice C. Dalligan Chief, Burton Historical Collection Detroit Public Library
In 1783 the peace treaty that ended the American War for Independence was signed in Paris. But the colonies had gained more than their independence; they had also acquired a great amount of territory extending to the Mississippi River and north into the Great Lakes. Since 1774 most of this trans-Appalachian west had been part of the province of Quebec. In fact, its incorporation into Quebec had been one of the major reasons for colonial discontent that erupted a year later into revolution. Under British administration the direct control of the area north of the Ohio River, traditionally known as the Old Northwest, was exercised from Detroit. In 1778-1789 Virginia, who felt she had the best claim to the area, acted unilaterally and sent a military expedition into the Northwest under the frontier leader George Rogers Clark. If successful this expedition would reinforce Virginia’s claim to the area and, it was hoped, at the same time reduce
the pressure of Indian attacks on the frontier settlements. The Americans correctly felt that the overall direction for these attacks came from the British authorities at Detroit.
Clark recruited a small army of about 175 frontiersmen from what is today Kentucky, Tennessee, and western Pennsylvania. The first goal of Clark’s expedition was to be the seizure of the Illinois settlements at Cahokia and Kaskaskia on the Mississippi and at Vincennes on the Wabash River. These were British settlements in name only. The inhabitants were Frenchmen, nearly to a man. Clark was betting that any allegiance these Illinois French paid to the British authorities was only of the most perfunctory sort. He was also armed with the news that the Bostonnais, as the French called all American rebels, and the mother country France were now allies. After Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and Vincennes, Clark would then be in position to strike at what many
Journal of Normand MacLeod
historians believe to be his ultimate objective, Detroit.
Detroit was the headquarters of the man many Americans of the frontier considered one of the greatest villains of the war, Henry Hamilton. Hamilton was the lieutenant governor of Detroit. He had taken up this post in November 1775 after a perilous journey through the American lines at the besieged city of Montreal, and was the first to hold it under the vast governmental reorganization that took place with the passage of the Quebec Act in 1774. The earl of Dartmouth had appointed two other lieutenant governors in the Northwest area: Patrick Sinclair at Michilimackinac, and Edward Abbott at Vincennes. But it was Hamilton who was the dominant power in the British government of the west. Detroit was the administrative headquarters of the Northwest, and its lieutenant governor was the most important western official.1
All of Quebec province, including the newly added Northwest, was under military rule.2 The civil government of Detroit was intended to consist of the lieutenant governor and civil and criminal courts, although these courts were to be inferior to those at Montreal and Quebec. But the outbreak of the
American war prevented their establishment. Henry Hamilton, commissioned a justice of the peace along with his appointment as lieutenant governor, and holding the king’s commission as an army officer, was the real power in the vast Northwest. Under his direction Detroit became “the great war emporium of the West.”3
Hamilton’s villainy is questionable in the eyes of many historians. He was vigorous and authoritative, qualities generally lacking in important British commanders during the Revolution. He actively encouraged the Indians within his area of control to pursue a policy of continual attack upon the frontier. The Indian attacks inflamed the frontier and enraged the Americans. Although the war the Indians carried on was neither more nor less vicious than it had been for the previous fifty years, the victims needed villains, and Henry Hamilton became known as the “Hair Buyer” to the American frontiersmen.
Clark gathered his forces at what is today Louisville, Kentucky in May 1778, and in late June started down the Ohio River. But instead of going all the way to the Mississippi he cut overland through southern Illinois, taking the river settlements completely by surprise. Kaskaskia fell 4 July, and Cahokia
quickly afterwards. Clark’s reasoning had been correct. The French had no desire to fight for the British, and when informed of the Franco-American alliance became willing partners in Clark’s expedition. Vincennes surrendered to Clark after Cahokia’s priest and doctor told them of the news he brought. On 20 July Clark administered an oath of allegiance to the French inhabitants, and with it they ceased to be British subjects and became citizens of Virginia.
Clark was not as benevolent with the Indians. The neighboring chiefs were assembled, but the traditional policy of soliciting their friendship and aid with presents and promises was abandoned. Clark abruptly told them that if they wanted peace that was all right, but if they wanted war that was fine too. This tactic seems to have impressed the Indian leadership, and for the time being at least they chose peace with the Americans.
The next step in Clark’s plan was somehow to gather reinforcements and move against Detroit. But this would take time.
In Detroit Hamilton had received word 8 August 1778 of Clark and his incursions into Britain’s domain. With a great and rapid display of energy, he prepared to launch a counteroffensive, beginning his campaign in
earnest in September 1778. His subordinates Historical at Fort Saint Joseph (now Niles, Michigan) introduction and Michilimackinac were informed of his plans and ordered to gather their Indians and militia and move down the Illinois River in support of Hamilton’s operations. Jean Baptiste Celoron, the son of the famous Indian leader Pierre Joseph Celoron de Blainville, was sent with war belts to rouse the Indians of the Miami and Wabash to Hamilton’s standard.
On 24 September 1778 Hamilton launched his advance party down the Detroit River and into the wilderness. It was commanded by Capt. Normand MacLeod and consisted of about fifty militiamen, including a master carpenter, five pairs of oxen, ten horses, three sets of wheels, and 33,000 pounds of supplies. MacLeod and his advance party had the job of preparing the way for Hamilton’s main contingent. They would cut wood, build storehouses, and most important, build carts and clear the way for the arduous portage between the Miami and Wabash Rivers.
The route took them down the Detroit River and into Lake Erie. Skirting the western shore of Lake Erie, they entered the Miami River4 at what is now Harbor View, xi
Journal of Ohio, east of Toledo. From there they would
Normand MacLeod proceed up the river to its headwaters at
present-day Fort Wayne, Indiana. From that point the portage was about nine miles to one of the tributaries of the Wabash.
Because of unseasonable dryness it became almost impossible to use the heavily loaded boats efficiently as the expedition dragged its way to the main river. Hamilton devised the clever expedient of alternately opening and closing beaver dams to keep enough water in the channel to float the boats. The boats themselves were of maximum draught, laden with men, animals, supplies and one artillery piece. By November the expedition was on the Wabash, but by then the weather was alternating between freezing rain and snow. During much of the day the men had to work in the freezing water manhandling the boats over difficult passages.
As Hamilton forced a tortuous way down the Wabash, he visited various Indian encampments and picked up more and more reinforcements for his expedition. Ultimately the force Hamilton commanded exceeded 600 men, of which 550 were Indians. The time table that he had established for himself xii called for his army to be at Kaskaskia by
mid-November. But the hostile weather and the unusual state of the river slowed things down considerably.
Finally in the first weeks of December the Hamilton expedition began its final push against Vincennes. Again contradicting the myths of British military incompetence when faced with the American wilderness, Hamilton showed a high degree of military and wilderness ability. His Indians, aided by British Indian Department officers, ranged in front and on his flanks. Seemingly all the scouts put out by the Americans were picked up by Hamilton’s Indians. Certainly the American commander at Vincennes, Capt. Leonard Helm, had no idea what was about to descend on him. Detachments were also ordered to cover the Wabash and Tennessee Rivers.
On 17 December 1778 Hamilton struck at Vincennes. The whole operation was a masterpiece of anticlimax. The French inhabitants, who had so quickly and without a qualm shifted their allegiance to the Americans, now with no more hesitancy shifted back to the British. Captain Helm, in newly named Fort Patrick Henry, found himself in command of a garrison of but one American. Resistance would have been absurd and he
surrendered. Fort Patrick Henry became Fort Sackville again; the British flag fluttered over Vincennes again; and Lieut. Gov. Henry Hamilton settled down to prepare for the next stage of his operations. He also learned for the first time that his opponent was someone named George Rogers Clark.
Nature, as if to compensate for the unseasonable drought which had made Hamilton’s passage to Vincennes so difficult, now dumped a torrent of water on the Illinois country. The deluge flooded the countryside for miles around Vincennes. The British, Indians, and French sat as though on an island in the midst of a vast lake. Whatever Hamilton thought of the military ability of Clark and his Americans, it must have seemed obvious that nothing was going to happen in the near future. Vincennes and Fort Sackville were like a medieval castle surrounded by a great moat of swamp and water, and Hamilton decided to stay where he was for the winter. He was safe and he could use the time further to solidify his position.
Hamilton felt his position was so secure that he sent the Detroit militia home and released his Indians to hunt until spring. He kept eighty men who, aided by winter and
water, could hold Vincennes against any of Historical
the upstart Americans. In the spring John Introduction
Stuart, the British Indian agent in the south,
was to gather his tribes and march to meet
Hamilton on the Tennessee River. Between
the two the Americans would be driven back
across the mountains once and for all. The
only flaw in Hamilton’s plans was his failure
to appreciate the imagination and daring of
his opponent, George Rogers Clark.
When Clark, at Kaskaskia, finally received accurate intelligence concerning Hamilton and the situation at Vincennes, he set about implementing his most audacious operation. He realized his own force, and probably the whole American cause in the west, was doomed if Hamilton were able to regroup his army in the spring. As bad as things were for Clark in the winter of 177879, they were not going to get any better if he waited.
Operating on these assumptions, Clark began to create the maximum strike force that could be brought together in the situation. He first made a warship out of a barge, arming it with two cannon and four swivel guns. Powered by oars, it would be able to operate on the rivers. If this boat could go down the Mississippi and then up the Ohio xiii
Journal of and Wabash Rivers to Vincennes, it would
Normand MacLeod provide at least some of the firepower Clark assumed he would need to attack Fort Sackville. After providing the gunboat with a crew under the command of his cousin John Rogers and sending it on its way, Clark was left with only some eighty Americans at Kaskaskia. He therefore set about augmenting his strength with French militia units from Kaskaskia and Cahokia. This gave him another ninety men, and with this mixed force he set out overland to Vincennes.
George Rogers Clark’s march to Vincennes has become a classic of endurance and fortitude, ranking in American annals beside Arnold’s famous march to Quebec. The twenty-six-year-old frontier general proposed to take his little makeshift army on a march of over two hundred miles in the dead of winter. The entire southern Illinois country was a mass of frozen swamp and waist-deep water, and the men had to sleep tied standing to trees. After eighteen days of intense suffering and hardship, Vincennes was in sight. Clark’s gunboat had not arrived, but the Virginian determined to pursue the element of surprise. His operation was so unexpected and stealthy that he had his force xiv in position in the houses of Vincennes before
Hamilton and his soldiers at the fort were even aware of it.
For two days the Americans and French sniped at Fort Sackville and its occupants. Hamilton was uncertain. The French inhabitants were again supporting the Americans, and he was outnumbered. The boldness of Clark’s attack made the British commander suspect that the American force in front of him was the advance detachment of an even larger army. Hamilton and Clark began to parlay. The issue was finally decided for Hamilton when Clark had a group of Indian captives executed by tomahawking in front of the fort. Hamilton surrendered.
Thus Henry Hamilton’s grand plan of western conquest came to a rather pitiful end in a little backwoods town. To the victor belong the spoils, and among the spoils is a secure niche in history. George Rogers Clark entered the pantheon of American heroes, while Hamilton has been branded a villain. But Henry Hamilton’s life did not end at Vincennes. After a harsh and cruel captivity in Virginia he was exchanged, returned to England, and finished his career in the West Indies, serving first as the governor of Bermuda and then of Dominica.
Both Clark and Hamilton provided accounts of their respective expeditions into the Illinois country. These accounts have been the basis for numerous histories of the struggle for control of the west. But in the 1970s a new account of Hamilton’s expedition from Detroit to Vincennes became available in the form of the journal of Capt. Normand MacLeod. Secondary sources tell us very little about him. He was not a star or a major character in eighteenth-century American frontier history. But he was a supporting character, and the study of his life has historic validity.
MacLeod was the former British army officer, Indian trader, fur trader, and merchant from Detroit who was given command of Hamilton’s advance party as he moved down the river route to Vincennes. From 25 September 1778 until 22 January 1779 MacLeod kept a comprehensive record of events as Hamilton’s polyglot army advanced into the wilderness. On 22 January MacLeod was given leave to return to Detroit, and thus he had the good fortune to avoid being captured when Hamilton surrendered.
Normand MacLeod seems to have been a rather classic type created by the tumultuous world of eighteenth-century Britain and
America, and he played his part in the development of the American frontier. Considering the conditions under which a field journal of a military expedition was kept, MacLeod’s seems rather literate. He apparently had a touch of the reporter and story teller, and it is hard to believe that such an able writer did not leave a more extensive record of himself than has so far come to light. What we know of this man forms a badly fragmented portrait, with the largest single piece his journal of the Hamilton expedition. But this item covers only four months in a long and very active life. Sadly, there are no references to the past in the journal. The second biggest piece that fits into the puzzle portrait is made up of numerous letters a Normand MacLeod wrote to Sir William Johnson in the late 1760s and early 1770s. All the evidence would support the assumption that the journal writer and Sir William’s correspondent were the same man. But even this puzzle piece is far from perfect because so many of the letters were destroyed in the New York State Capitol fire of 1911. The other pieces that contribute to the portrait of Normand MacLeod are small and scattered. Given these conditions, the historian can either leave the pieces as they are or
Journal of he can try to make judgments and assump-
Normand MacLeod tions that will draw the pieces together into a more meaningful pattern.
Secondary sources tell us that Normand MacLeod was born on the Isle of Skye in Scotland.5 We know his approximate age because MacLeod wrote a letter on 6 January 1780 to Captain Matthews, secretary to General Haldimand, and said that he had “faith-full services from the beginning of the year one thousand, seven hundred & forty seven in Holland, Brabant & North America to the end of the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty four.”6 The British army lists show that Normand MacLeod was an ensign in the Forty-second Highlanders (the Black Watch) in 1756.7 The size of this famous regiment was being increased prior to its sailing to North America to serve in the war against the French. However, a question arises about the years between 1747, when MacLeod claims his service began, and 1756 when we find the first written record of it. A history of the Highland regiments shows that when the Black Watch was augmented in 1756 Ensign Normand MacLeod was raised from the half-pay list.8 This necessarily means that he was in service with the regiment prior to xvi 1756. His claim of having served in Holland
and Brabant (present-day Belgium) is also supported by the fact that in 1747-48 the Black Watch fought there. In 1748, the end of this period of service in the Low Countries, the size of the regiment was greatly reduced. It is entirely possible, and indeed probable, that a very junior grade officer such as MacLeod would have been placed on the half-pay list.
MacLeod’s service in America would then date from June 1756, when the Black Watch arrived in New York as part of the army under the command of Gen. Sir James Abercrombie. Although we know nothing about the activities of MacLeod himself, the movements of his regiment are known. For a year the regiment was inactive at Albany, New York until it was taken to Halifax, Nova Scotia. At Halifax it was to be a part of Lord Loudon’s attempt at the French citadel of Louisbourg, but the expedition was abortive. Loudon was recalled and Abercrombie assumed command of the army. In 1758 Abercrombie began his ill-fated campaign against the French fortress Carillon (later Fort Ticonderoga) at the foot of Lake Champlain in New York.
The result of this campaign was the slaughter of the Black Watch in one of the
most brave, futile, and asinine attacks in British military history. General Abercrombie threw the Forty-second Highlanders against the prepared defensive emplacements of the French. Most of the Highlanders never reached these breastworks, and when the attack was finally called off, more than half of the men and twenty-five of the officers were dead or wounded. Ensign MacLeod’s luck must have held that day, for his name does not appear on the casualty lists.
In the fall of 1760 MacLeod transferred to the Eightieth Regiment, Gage’s Light Infantry, and was promoted to captain lieutenant on 4 October. His transfer to the Eightieth is both logical and interesting in light of his earlier career. Although it is popularly believed that the British learned nothing from their American military experience, the creation of Gage’s Light Infantry tends to refute that belief. The first light infantry in the British army were the Highland regiments, who were drawn up on the fringe of the formal line of battle, their purpose being to move rapidly to wherever they were needed and generally to harass the enemy.9 Because of their experience in this role Scottish units were among the most frequently used forces during Britain’s military operations in America. When the Eightieth Regiment was begun as part of General Abercrombie’s reforms of the army, it too was meant to be used for scouting and skirmishing only. In this and other ways the regiment reflected American influence on tactical fighting style, and in fact Americans were used to train it. The choice of Thomas Gage to command this special regiment was also consistent. Gage had been with Braddock on the Monongahela in 1775, and he could not have failed to learn that European combat styles were futile in the American wilderness.
The Eightieth Regiment thus displayed both British and American influences. The uniforms of Gage’s Light Infantry were dark brown rather than the regulation red coats. The coats themselves were “skirtless,” short jackets without any lace or adornment, and leggings were worn instead of breeches. The officers were also expected to wash their own clothes and carry their own gear—a radical departure from general eighteenth-century military practice. On the other hand, the similarity of the Eightieth to the Highland Regiments and their interrelationship may be seen by looking at the officer rolls and noting that almost all the officers of the Eightieth had Scottish surnames. Thus MacLeod’s
Journal of Normand MacLeod
transfer from the Forty-second to the Eightieth is not surprising.
Seen in retrospect, 1761, the year after MacLeod entered the Eightieth, was a year of great importance in his life. With his new regiment MacLeod made his first trip to Detroit, and while there he seems to have made his first acquaintance with Sir William Johnson. Sir William, the so-called Baron of the Mohawk, was probably the single most dominant character on the British colonial frontier in the northern colonies. Besides being a man of immense wealth and power, he was also a man of tremendous ability. For the next decade Normand MacLeod’s life was to be closely tied to Sir William Johnson, and the experience was no doubt a strong determinant of the path that life would take. Most of what we know of MacLeod during the period 1761-72 comes from the papers of Sir William Johnson.10
The two men met at the Niagara-Detroit Indian conference of 1761. The conference was one of the many major gatherings of Indians that Sir William held throughout his career. Its purpose was to negotiate treaties that would enable him to continue to exert his influence over the Indians in frequent face-to-face meetings. In the proceedings for the
meeting on 9 September 1761 we find “Capt McLeod of Gages Regt.” as one of the British representatives, along with Sir William, George Croghan, Captain Campbell, the commander at Detroit, and Lieut. Guy Johnson, Sir William’s nephew, who was acting as secretary.
In letters to Jeffery Amherst and William Walters dated 10 September 1761, Sir William writes that “Cap’t McCloud” will return to Niagara with all but 120 men of Gage’s regiment to get fresh supplies for Detroit. The following year found MacLeod in command of the post at “Oswegatchy” or Fort Ontario (now Oswego, New York), having meetings with the Indians in that area. Ontario was well within the domain of Sir William Johnson, so it is logical to assume that their acquaintance was developing. Gage’s regiment was reduced in 1763 at the end of war, and MacLeod again went on the half-pay list, but when between 31 July and 3 August 1764 Sir William held a meeting with the western Indians (the Niagara Indian Congress), the minutes of the meeting recorded that “Capt Normand MacLeod of the late 80th Regt” was present, presumably as an aide to Sir William. Thus the Scottish army officer was moving along the path to becoming an American frontiersman.
A number of later references suggest that MacLeod and Sir William Johnson had become friends. For example, in November 1765 George Croghan wrote to Sir William saying that MacLeod would be delivering a large package to him from New York City. On 4 March 1766 MacLeod wrote a friendly letter to Sir William. By then he was living in New York City and there was a Mrs. MacLeod. He was still on half-pay and needed a job. Sir William answered that letter 15 March 1766, and although only portions of his reply have survived, those which remain indicate that the two men had become familiar. Sir William tells of trouble with his “bowells” after an eating and drinking bout. It is not possible from the context of the letter to determine whether MacLeod was present at it or not, although in light of later references it is a good bet that he was, along with George Croghan and Daniel Claus. Sir William went on to ask MacLeod to get him a new cloth for his billiard table, and also told him that his son John had been knighted by the king. He mentioned the Stamp Act and its probable repeal. Finally, he sent compliments to Mrs. MacLeod and signed himself “your most cordial friend and wellwisher.”
A new element was added to the story in a 23 March 1766 letter to Sir William from Augustine Prevost at Albany:
At a meeting lately of the Fraternity, Brother McLeod begged leave to ask the chair if he had got a fctv lines from Sir William Johnson as had reasoi. to think he had a great desire to be a master, his Worship’s answer was that he had not received any answer from brother Johnson, but when he desires, he should think himself honored in waiting on him at Johnson Hall if agreeable to the Lodge which at that time was in due form and no objection was made and as there is a meeting Thursday the 27th thought myself obliged to acquaint you that the consent of the Lodge will be asked, but perhaps you would rather greet them at Schnectady which will be equally alike and beg an answer on the subject.
From this we can see that Normand MacLeod was an active Mason and thus a fraternity brother in Sir William’s lodge. Their connection was further strengthened.
Another piece of the puzzle that is the man MacLeod was added in his next letter to Johnson. Referring back to Sir William’s remarks on the Stamp Act, MacLeod commented on the New York Sons of Liberty. Again the letter is in poor condition, but a portion of it reads: “[A] Lieutenant of a Man
Journal of of War lying here thought [to] liken the Sons
Normand MacLeod 0f Liberty to My Rebellious Country men . . .
for which the libertins intend to make him [suffer] if they can catch him.” The rebellious countrymen of MacLeod’s reference are the Scots who supported Charles Stuart in the Rising of 1745. MacLeod’s overall tone is as contemptuous of them as he is of the Sons of Liberty, which suggests that MacLeod was probably a Scots supporter of the Hanoverians. This would also be consistent with MacLeod’s earlier allegiance and obviously with his later ones as well.
It should be mentioned in the way of background that there is nothing very unusual about this position on the part of a good Scotsman. At the battle of Culloden, where the duke of Cumberland crushed Bonnie Prince Charlie’s rebellion, there were as many Scots who fought for the Hanoverian as fought for the Stuart. Normand MacLeod was obviously then a Whig, or Hanoverian, Scot in sympathy. His service in the Black Watch, a Scottish regiment raised to suppress rebellious Scots, would be further proof of his persuasion.
The last extant MacLeod-Johnson correspondence from this period in New York City xx is dated 14 April 1766. Between that time and
July 1766 MacLeod got his appointment as commissary at Fort Ontario in upstate New York. The role of commissary was originally proposed by Sir William Johnson in his “plan of 1764” which he had submitted to the board of trade in the mother country. By the spring of 1766 Johnson had received authority from the board and begun to implement it.
The plan of 1764 envisioned Britain’s American colonies divided into northern and southern districts for purposes of Indian control and trade. The superintendent of the northern district was Sir William Johnson. The northern district was then divided into three subdistricts with a deputy superintendent in charge of each. George Croghan commanded the western district, which included Fort Pitt, Detroit, and the Illinois country. The middle district, which covered Michilimackinac, Niagara, and Ontario, was under Guy Johnson. Daniel Claus, Sir William’s son-in-law, supervised the Quebec district. Within each subdistrict, at major posts, were the commissaries, the superintendent’s direct representatives to the Indians. It was to Fort Ontario in the middle district that MacLeod came as commissary. An interpreter and a smith were assigned to assist the commissary at each post.
The basic idea behind Sir William’s plan was that the Indian Department was to have complete control of Indian affairs. The permission of the superintendent was necessary for anyone, even the governors, to hold meetings with the Indians. The heart of the plan was to protect the Indians from the traders and politicians, but thus inherent in the plan were the seeds of its ultimate destruction. Sir William was threatening the trading interests and at the same time arousing the jealousy of the colonial political and military leaders. Under the plan traders had to be licensed, post bond, and present an itinerary of the posts and towns where they intended to trade. When a trader entered the area of jurisdiction of a particular commissary he had to report to that commissary’s post, present his license to trade and an exact invoice of his goods, and open his packs for inspection by the commissary. When his business at the post was concluded the trader had to obtain a pass from the commissary to allow him to move on to the next post.
The commissaries set prices on trade goods to the Indians, established and collected a tariff on the goods sold, and set geographical limits to the operations of the traders. They were also ordered to prevent
the sale of rum, swan shot, and rifled guns to Historical the Indians. On top of these duties they were introduction also to gather intelligence and were empowered to act as justices of the peace. In this last capacity they could try all civil suits that arose between traders and between traders and Indians. In criminal actions they were empowered to commit persons for trial, presumably at subdistrict level. It is interesting to note that in this legal context the testimony of Indians was valid.
About the thirteen men who were selected to be commissaries Sir William wrote:
“The persons I have appointed as commis-sarys are gentlemen of understanding and character known to the Indians and acquainted with their dispositions.” Thus with MacLeod’s appointment as commissary at Fort Ontario in 1766, we may conclude that his status as an American frontiersman was secure. According to Sir William’s own words, he was known to the Indians and knowledgeable about them, and there would have been few persons in America more capable of making that judgment. As it happened, Sir William’s judgment apparently was vindicated.
In a report of an Indian congress held 15-16 October 1766 at Ontario, at which the great Mohawk chief Joseph Brant was the interpre- xxi
Journal of Normand MacLeod
ter and Teyawharunti was the speaker of Onondagas, Teyawharunti praised MacLeod: “Sir William Johnson often told us that he was looking for a good man to take care of us, and all Indians in general, who may come to this Post. He has now found one.”
Letters written after MacLeod had assumed his post shed light on the variety of matters with which he had to be concerned. For example, in August 1766 he wrote to Sir William telling him of a visit he had had from Pontiac. MacLeod reported that he had given the famous chief four pounds of brown sugar and a bottle of madeira “to make him some toddy,” which made Pontiac very happy. But perhaps the most interesting part of the letter was rather prophetic.
Last night one Monsieur Dejean arrived here from Detroit, he tells me that it’s firmly believ’d at that place, that Pondiac is to recieve ten Shillings sterling a day from the Crown of Great Britain, it seems this report has been used by his Enemys, to Create a Jealousy amongst the Indians that will end in his ruin. The Frenchman offered to lay me a beat [bet] that Pondiac would be killed in less than a year, if the English took so much notice of him.
The rest of the letter reported the petty xxii bickering of the traders. The main issue was
the fear of one trader that another might be given an unfair advantage in the ginseng root trade. Ginseng root was primarily valued as an aphrodisiac and is not one of the commodities generally mentioned in history books as an Indian trade item.
In the same month MacLeod again wrote, this time mentioning that Joseph Brant had visited him and desired that MacLeod should have “a young Indian companion.” The reader is left wondering what gender of companion Brant had in mind. In early September MacLeod reported a possible Indian uprising to Johnson. He also mentioned that the commissary and his staff were being treated less than graciously by the military at the post, which confirms later historians’ conclusions that the military actively opposed the 1764 plan.
MacLeod’s activities from fall 1766 to winter 1766-67 are difficult to.deduce from the extant correspondence. The next letters MacLeod wrote to Sir William were from New York City, and it is unclear whether MacLeod was on leave or whether he had resigned as commissary at Ontario. A pay list dated 9 December 1766 shows him as commissary, but in a letter from New York 28 December 1766 MacLeod complained to Sir
William of the governor’s injustice in land affairs. He went on to say that he was going to write to the deputy secretary of state for American affairs and suggest that the post of “commissary general” for the Indian department be created. The whole tone of the letter is disgruntled, and it may be that MacLeod had resigned both out of frustration over his dealings with the military at Ontario and in the hope of obtaining land.
On 29 January 1767 Sir William wrote to MacLeod at New York City and offered him the post of commissary at Niagara.
This post had previously been held by Benjamin Roberts but Roberts now appears as the commissary at Michilimackinac. What MacLeod’s answer was is not immediately known, but he and his wife seem to have moved around. On 23 February 1767 George Croghan wrote to Johnson from Philadelphia: “P.S: I have had Capt.
Mccloud and his Dear Little Helen of Greece hear this three Weeks past they go home In two Days and after a Little Rest Proceeds to Johnson Hall Whare Me Lady I Supose will Spend the Sumer Either with yr honour or Capt Guy Johnson who She Spakes in Raptures of.” There are a couple of implications here. One is that Mrs. Mac
Leod must have been quite lovely to merit Croghan’s “Dear Little Helen of Greece” title and another is that when her husband was at a frontier post she did not accompany him. Perhaps that is why Joseph Brant wanted MacLeod to have a “young Indian companion.”
Whatever his original intentions, MacLeod seems to have spent the spring of 1767 in New York. Sir William received a letter from him sent 27 April 1767 which asked him to excuse his long delay in New York. The delay must have extended another month because 8 June 1767 Johnson received a letter from John Van Eps, a trader at Schenectady, saying he was sending certain items up to Johnson Hall with Captain MacLeod. However, it becomes evident in a letter dated 8 September 1767 that MacLeod had taken the new position and was finally on the job. He writes of “bad belts” (war belts) being circulated among the Senecas in his area. The letter is endorsed “Niagara, Indian Commissary.”
While in the controversial and seemingly thankless position of commissary at Niagara, MacLeod seems to have done a reasonably good job. Many of MacLeod’s letters report altercations he has been involved in while
Journal of trying to control the traders. But some of
Normand MacLeod these men seem to have appreciated his efforts. The superintendent received the following letter dated 22 October 1767 from a group of Niagara traders.
Your letter under head of the 29th of May last Subscribed to Normand McLeod Esqr. Capt. Lieut, late 80th Regt. and Commissary of Indian Affairs for this place and its District has been laid before us, from which we find a Sevear Complaint [. . . ] exhibited by the Trading People of Canada to their lieutenant Governor against the Several Commissarys of Indian Afairs, impeaching them with Partiality and several Acts, of Violence.
We, the Traders at Niagara, think, that in justice to the above Mentioned Gentleman’s Character it’s our Duty to Acquaint you Lieut. Governor Charlton and the Public, that since we have had the Pleasure of being under his Directions, that Trade has been Carryed on with the greatest impartiality and mildness, So that any Complaints laid against him with Regard to Partiality, Acts of Violence or any other abuse in his Office as Commissary of Indian Affairs, is false, Malicious and Groundless.
In between bouts of defending himself from attacks by disgruntled traders MacLeod also dispensed local folk medicine to his patron to ease his afflictions. On 25 October xxiv 1767 he wrote to Sir William:
I am sorry to hear that the famous springs you have been at has not been of much service to you. I Send you by the Bearer Daddy Farrell, a bottle which contains a sort of Oyl taken off the surface of a small Lake near the Caiadeon Castle. The Indians have great faith in it for performing all manner of Cures; it is very penetrating, so much so, that if you rub a little of it on the back of your hand when going to bed, in the morning you will find it on the inside of it, it is a fine cure for all green wounds, for all Rheumatick pains, &ca &ca &ca it can also be taken inwardly and a small quanitity of it makes a good purgative. I dare say before you have it long you will find out more of its virtues, if it has any. I shall therefore say no more about it only Sincerely wish it may be of service to you should you chuse to try it, we call it here Ash, cu, shang’s Oil that being the Name of the person that brought it to this place.
The same letter also carries an interesting biographical clue.
My better half thanks you for your kind Compliments, and desires me to acquaint you that she is very well and likes Niagara, She hopes in a few weeks [to present] you a Godson who shall be the ablest General who ever sway’d [,...] Truncheon and begs you’ll accept of her kindest Compliments and best wishes.
This passage clearly refers to the coming birth of a MacLeod, and also implies that Mrs. MacLeod is now accompanying her husband to his post. Later letters show Sir
William did not get his godson but the MacLeods did gain a daughter, probably their first child, in either December or January.
November found MacLeod still bedeviled.
There are now a pacel of Damn’d French Traders on the Other side of the Lake, the principl Man of which is Call’d Curott. I wish we could fall on some Method of punishing their insolence.
It seems we poor Commissarys are great Eye Sores to the Commandants I hope they will not have the liberty of using us in the Manner Mr. Roberts has been trated with impunity.
Evidently MacLeod’s disgruntlement caused Sir William to wonder what path the commissary intended to pursue. MacLeod explained himself in a letter 3 December 1767:
I am very far from having the smallest thoughts of leaving [. . . ] Service as long as I can stay in it. My intentions are if the General will do anything for me which he has more than once promised to do to sell out of the Army [. . . ] thereby recover the Money my purchase Cost.
Which general MacLeod wants help from, however, cannot be determined from the context of these letters. It might have been
Guy Carleton, lieutenant governor of Quebec, or it could have been Thomas Gage, his former commander in the Eightieth Regiment. As to selling his commission and leaving the army, MacLeod either changed his mind or was unable to make the sale as he was not removed from the army rolls until 1787, twenty years later.
There is no more extant correspondence from MacLeod until 12 August 1768, when he wrote a very unhappy letter. From the context of the letter it appears to have been to Guy Johnson but the endorsement has been destroyed.
Yesterday I receiv’d your disagreeable [letter] which has intirely spoiled all my Schemes and left me destitute of Bread. Yet I hope if Sir William, can in any way employ me so as to aford a Comfortable Living for my Wife and Family that he will not forget me, and I hope that is still in his power, if not, I am to be pittyed.
As to Indn News there’s none, the Commandant and I have not put up our Horses well together and he is very happy at being rid of an Indn. Commissary but sorry for the loss of his Interpreter.
The reason for MacLeod’s loss of his job was not personal but rather that the government was reorganizing the Indian Department, no doubt in response to pressures from the
Journal of Normand MacLeod
trading interests, the military, and the colonial officials. The reorganization was explained in a letter dated 29 August 1768 from General Gage to Capt. John Brown, the commmandant at Niagara with whom MacLeod seems to have been at odds.
I Am to acquaint you, that a New Plan has lately been adopted at home relative to the Management of Indian Affairs upon this Continent, the chief alteration which it is necessary for you to be acquinted with, is that the Management of the Trade is taken from the Superintendant, and is put under the direction of the several Provinces, who are to bare respectively the Expences attendant thereon. This Regulation which seems intended to lessen the Expences of the Indian Department, will render the Residence of the Commissarys at the Forts unnecessary, as they were appointed thereto for the better Regulation of Trade only, and puts an end to all Articles of Expence there, as none can well offer, but for the purpose of Commerce, with which the Commandg Officer has now nothing to do, further than to give Protection to the Traders, to keep up Order, and Regularity, and to prevent the Indians meeting with any ill treatment; You will be pleased to pay Attention to this; And tho’ I am to suppose that Sir William Johnson has acquainted those acting under him, of these New Regulations, yet I think it necessary to explain this matter to You, in Order that no Expences whatever, may for the future be contracted at the Fort under Your
Command, and that you may not be led to certifie any, As from this Period no funds being assigned for such Expences, they must of course be rejected.
Although MacLeod’s career as an Indian commissary was rapidly drawing to a close, it did not end as abruptly as the tone of the previous letters would indicate. Sir William Johnson was still a power unto himself and his plan was for a more gradual phaseout. On 20 November 1768 he wrote to General Gage;
You will please to recollect that Sometime ago 1 wrote you, that I thought it best not to remove the officers of Trade too suddenly, but to continue them to next March to give the Colonies time to form necessary Establishments, otherwise they might in case of any disturbances alledge that the removals were made before their Legislatures had time to make the Necessary provision, of all which you were pleased to approve, in consequence thereof I directed them to retrench as much as possible but continue in office till farther orders,—Now as they can’t possibly stay without provisions &ca I think it best to direct McLeod &ca to buy [ . . . ] flour &ca to give occasionally when Necessary until you will please to give Orders for their receiving provisions till March, [ . . . ] I am on the subject I would desire the favor of you to [ . . . ] whether you think best that the Comissys. In-terpreters & Smiths Should be directed to Withdraw.
As a consequence MacLeod continued on as commissary at Niagara but was now very much a lame duck. His letters 4 January and 23 January 1769 report to Sir William that things are going down-hill with regard to the traders and the military and their practices toward the Indians. According to the account books of the Indian Department MacLeod continued on in an official capacity until the end of March. But the Johnson correspondence shows that MacLeod was still sending reports of Indian affairs from Niagara until 22 May 1769.
By October 1769 MacLeod was back in New York City where he set about trying to collect money that was owed to him. The former commissary seems to have been unemployed and probably broke, and there was also sickness in his family. He wrote to Sir William 30 October 1769:
I have been Several time at the Generals House but have not yet Seen him I Begin to think he don’t chuse to see me untill Mr. Adams leaves the Town as perhaps he may think that I hve some directions from you concerning the money Matters of your department and that two troubling him at once when he has no inclination to give money would be too much. I am very Sorry that Mr. Adams is likely to return to you without being able to bring one farthing money with him, there’s some difference between Mr. Mackivers and Mr. Watts about the lowering of Bills which prevents both of them from paying any Money, as to the Generals money his pimp of a Secretary allways makes delays. I have no News as I keep much at home on acct. of the Sickness of my only Child.
In January 1770 MacLeod began sending Johnson reports of the boiling political pot in New York. On 6 January he wrote:
The Sons of liberty have been Assembling here several times; There first assembly was to prevent there representatives from granting £2000 for the use of the Troops, but they did not Succeed as I believe the money will be voted for by the House, they passed a bill for making paper Money to the Amount of £20,000 which is to be issued the 10th of June next, I am informed that by private letters from home the present Lt. Governor will have the management of this Province during his life and that his Majesty should have Said that so old and loyal a subject deserved that, if not a better reward for his good Services. There is now two very strong partys in this Town one for electing the members of the House or Assimbly by Ballot, the other for continuing the old Method, which of them will carry the point is not known, but both partys are very Sanguin, as to my part I would not give one Copper to deside it, nor do I care one farthing which way it may be determined, or what side wins the battle, let the Affair be
Journal of Normand MacLeod
desided as they please, they can never prevent bribery and Corruption in elections, if they can, they can do more than their Mother Country ever could.
On 27 January 1770 he wrote to his friend and patron again, producing what must be considered his best letter in that it is very informative about political matters, especially the doings of the Sons of Liberty and MacLeod’s attitude toward them.
The Sons of what ever you chuse to call them are at the present pritty quiet and I suppose studying what mischief they’ll do when they can get a proper opportunity. The principle people at least two of them are known, one of them is Called Isaac Sears, the others I do not know, but I am informed that the Governor and Council are come to a resolution that on the very first disturbance that happens in the Town them two are to be immediately secured and prosecuted to the utmost rigour of the Law, for being the principle abettors of the late disturbances, I approve much of the resolve, but would approve more of it had they resolved to punish them without farther Ceremony, all the People of Sense in Town rail oppenly against them I’m Sorry I can not send you the Scandalous paper Signed Brutus wrote by them Block heads and one Samuel Broom Junr. the meaning of the paper was to vilify the Army and to prevent the inhabitants from employing any of them in their stores or other ways, immediately
on the publication of Brutus, a parcel of Brutes went to the flax Seed and flour Stores where a number of the Soldiers were at work and turned them all about their business upon which the Soldiers published the paper I had the pleasure of sending you by last post, and yesterday the inclosed paper came out which I think is one of the best party publications I have seen in this place. I have this moment got the paper Called Brutus which I inclose you, it was the original cause of the battle fought in the fields between the Soldiers and inhabitants, they say it was very diverting to see the battle, One Soldier with a dirty short cutlash driving hundreds of the brave Yorker before him who were better armed than him, but the unfortunate Soldiers who knew nothing of the riot and were unarmed paid for it, for there’s near twenty of them wounded the wounds of the inhabitants are as much concealed as possible but its thought they at least double the Soldiers. I’m sorry Mr. Sears and some others did not lose a pair of Ears each at least. . . .
The Sons of Liberty in New Jersey have put a stop to the Courts of Justice in that Province, for which Governor Franklin is resolved to do justice to some of them. The Sons of Liberty in this Town locked up the assembly room while the Members were all in debate in the House and Carryed the key away with them and they were oblige to brake the door to get out this happened on Friday last. The Council was in an other room waiting for the Members of assembly at last their patience being worn out, they
went to enqire into the reason of their being so tedious and found them shut in and Assisted them in opening the door. There’s a New liberty Pole a making which is to be put up on friday it’s to be Cased in Iron, the Corporation is divided whither they will allow it to be put up or not, the fear of offending the mob will induce them to allow it to be put up.
In early February both Mrs. MacLeod and the child were ill. The Sons of Liberty were putting up a new liberty pole and MacLeod was still having money problems.
Messrs. Phyn and Ellice have this day sent me a most surprizing accompt, which makes me trouble you with the following request which is. If there yet remains any of my orders upon you in their favour unpaid, that you’ll be so good as to stop the money in your hands untill such time as I can clear up accompts with them, as at present I think they use me extremely ill. If you’ll be so good as to forward the enclosed as Soon as posible it will add to the many obligations I already lye under to you pardon the trouble.
On the 19 February MacLeod wrote expressing his concern over his friend’s health and giving more reports on the fortunes of the Sons of Liberty and their poles.
Mr. Roberts arrived here some time ago with most alarming accounts of your bad state of
health which gave great uneasiness to everybody but none so much as to Normand MacLeod and his little Wife, but thank god we have since been informed of your recovery, I hope my Worthy Friend Col. Guy is also recovered There’s little or no news here at present what make the greatest noise here is the Confinement of Mr. MacDougal, and the observation of one of the prisoner when MacDougal was sent to jail which was, fine times indeed a son of liberty sent to jail and the liberty pole put in Irons, which are both facts, you have heard before now of their Method of flinging the Corporation who refused them ground to put up the liberty Pole by purchasing a spot of their own on which it is now erected in spite of them, in consequence of there [ . . . ] I mean the Corporation they published the enclosed advertisement [ . . . ] send a News paper extraordinary which perhaps you have not seen The Sons of liberty have also purchased a House I think from [ . . . ] they wanted it to Celebrate the anniversary of the repeal of the stamp act and to rent it but Col. Morris would not rent it [ . . . ] what he would sell it for he answered £600 which was [ . . . ] by 100 of them who laid down their six pounds each There’s an other liberty Pole put up before this House with 45 [ . . . ] on it which was put up for my Country men to scratch themselves on. I have this moment purchased the enclosed paper called Junius which they tell me is a very inflammatory piece as it is but just come out and the Post going away I have not time to read it. I should
Journal of Normand MacLeod
be happy in hearing from some of your good family and I am still oneasy about your wellfair.
At the very end of the letter he adds: “I am Just now informed that the scratching Pole for my Country men was pulled down Saturday night not known by whom.”
By the end of February MacLeod’s letters reflected his growing anxiety, and show a man greatly harassed. His family had been ill most of the winter, he was unemployed and in debt, his patron was in bad health and perhaps dying, and the actions of the mob obviously irked him. It cannot have been a very pleasant period in Normand MacLeod’s life, and in a letter Sir William received 12 March 1770, he seemed resolved to leave it behind, saying: “I shall have the pleasure of waiting upon you as soon as I can beg borrow or steal as much money as will pay my Debts in this Damned Town.”
One way or the other MacLeod did get out of New York and begin a new phase of his life. “Captn 8c Mrs. McLeod is arrived at Albany & will be here tomorrow,” wrote Daniel Campbell from Schenectady 10 June 1770. The MacLeods’ destination was Johnson Hall, as James Rivington mentions in a letter of 18 June. The purpose of the journey becomes apparent in two letters from Sir William Johnson to Goldsbrow Banyar, one of his agents.
Col. Claus, McLeod and Roberts will be much obliged to you for the Trouble you intend to take in their Locations which are to be as I before described them, with this difference only, that, they are to Join to ye Northampton Patent to Eastward.
Capt. Claus was of the Royal American Regmt. Capt. Lt. MacLeod of the 80th., & Lt. Roberts of the 46th. McLeod says he is entitled to 3000 Acres, they are verry desireous of having the Affair finished as Soon as may be.
MacLeod was obviously after land and was about to try his hand at farming. The land he obtained was along the Mohawk River.
What MacLeod did with this land is hard to determine. From the context of letters written by him and by Sir William, it seems that MacLeod did most of his farming on an estate owned by Sir William. The MacLeods’ farm was at Coghnawage and things do not seem to have gone as well as he would have liked. There is very little correspondence from him in the Johnson papers during this period. That which does exist concerns various squabbles he is involved in with his neighbors.
These problems may have been symptomatic of his inability to make a go of it as a farmer. Whatever the case, MacLeod seems to have asked Sir William to come to his aid again. In September 1772 Sir William wrote to General Gage: “Your Consideration of Capt. McLeods circumstances is very humane; & I shall let him know it; he is a Worthy Man, who stands in Need of Assistance, & would doubtless meet with yours if in your power at present.” It took time, but ultimately MacLeod’s entreaties and Sir William’s connections paid off. MacLeod returned to the army and was given command of the now almost deserted post where he had begun his career as commissary, Fort Ontario. It appears, however, that he did not want to return there immediately. Maj. Gen. Frederick Haldimand received the following letter from Sir William 15 October 1773:
I have been much sollicitted by Capt McLeod to represent his situation to you, and the Hardship he must suffer if oblidged to go immediately to Ontario, I am sensible of all this, at the same time, I would by no means take upon me to request any indulgence, for them that was inconsistent with the good of the Service, but as the Season is so far advanced that it will be in some measure impracticable for him to dispose of his little matters, 8c remove his Family, and that it does not seem to me probable, that he will have much to do in ye Winter at a Post of late Years so little frequented if it appears to You in the same light, I dare say You will take his Circumstances into Consideration, However I could not avoid saying something in behalf of a Gentleman who with a verry good character has been so unfortunate.
Haldimand replied on the twentieth of the same month:
The turbulent turn of mind of the Indians in General had made it necessary in my opinion, that Captain McLeod shou’d be at Ontario, that any Material intelligence might be Transmitted you and me, with more Expedition, but since you interest yourself in his favour and don’t see his stay at Ontario, in the same light that I do, I shall consent to his remaining with his Family till next Spring when it will be proper that he shou’d be glad to serve Captain MacLeod being a Gentleman for whom I have a particular regard.
The last letter in the Johnson papers concerning MacLeod is dated 20 January 1774. It was written to one John MacLeod, who may have been Normand’s uncle, but the identification is uncertain. Sir William’s life was nearly at an end but his friendship for MacLeod still was strong, and certainly it would be hard to imagine that MacLeod ever had a friend who did more for him.
Journal of Normand MacLeod
Your [ . . . ] Capt MacLeod came to my hands last Summer just as I was setting out for the Sea Side for the benefit of my health, which prevented me from answering it at that time & occasioned its being mislaid till the other day.
I am now to thank you most kindly for your very friendly Letter and favorable prepossessions of me. Assuring you that the accot. I have of yourself is a Sufficient inducement to me to Cultivate your friendship especially as I have a great Esteem for Capt MacLeod who is a Worthy Man and one I am always disposed to Serve. I had it in my power for some time to do so, & much regret that occasion does not now offer for doing it more effectually, he has been lately appointed Commandt. of Fort Ontario with a Sally, of 5sStr. a day, 8c has been indulged to Continue on a Farm of mine (where he has resided some time) until this Summer. I hope he may continue to Experience the regard of his friends as his Finances require it, my cooperation in any thing for his advantage shall not be wanting whenever opportunity offers.
Perhaps it was Sir William’s failing health and death that same year, or perhaps his lack of success in the Indian service and at farming, but whatever the reason, MacLeod left New York and his previous life and moved to Detroit. How MacLeod financed his establishment in the west we do not know. It is not inconceivable that he sold his land in
New York. Somehow he and his family got to Detroit and MacLeod set up as an Indian trader. On 14 April 1774 Normand MacLeod was one of the nineteen men and firms in Detroit who signed an agreement setting up a “general Rum Store” and stating that “no Indian should have more than one glass at a time.”11 Signing along with MacLeod were merchants of great importance in the history of eighteenth-century Detroit: Gregor MacGregor, Simon MacTavish, Alexander Macomb, and William Edgar.
Along with his business MacLeod also served in a military capacity. In 1777 he was appointed town major, the chief executive officer of the garrison, but in a garrison town such as Detroit was at this time, the office may also have had a civil role equivalent to that of mayor.12 By this time of course the war was going on, and MacLeod’s duties seem to have been primarily with the militia, with overlapping administrative duties in the garrison. In the Hamilton expedition of the following year, MacLeod drew his pay on the rolls of the Detroit Volunteer militia.13
McLeod of course was one of the more fortunate members of the expedition because he received leave to return to Detroit and did so just prior to Clark’s arrival and Hamilton’s
surrender and captivity. Sharing in MacLeod’s good fortune in being out of Fort SackviUe at its capitulation was Alexander McKee, the famous Tory Indian leader. MacLeod wrote to him in April 1779 congratulating him and making some interesting observations on the Detroit militia and conditions in Detroit in general.
Dear Sir Permit me to express my happiness for your leaving Fort Sackville the Seventh of February, by which you have escap’d sharing the unlucky fate of the Lieut. Governor Major Hay and Lieut Schiefflin who was made prisoners fifteen days after your departure with twenty of the 8th & the two artillerymen with the loss of four men killed & 6 wounded we hear the Volunteer Company refus’d to fire a Shott at the Enemy, for which reason Lamothe & them are prisoners at large.
I am Heartily sory for the Governor and am much afraid he will be ill treated by the populace, The return of the vessel sent to Fort Erie last week is daily expected by whom Capt. Lemoult expects a reinforcement Our Garrison at present consists of one Hundred & twenty Officers included and our New Fort is carried on briskly under the directions of Lieut. Duver-net three Bastions is almost finished. I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you soon in this place.14
A small controversy developed in 1779 as
to MacLeod’s role as town major and generated some interesting correspondence. The first is a letter from General Haldimand to Major de Peyster, the commandant at Detroit, and is dated 30 August 1779.
Lieut. Governor Hamilton not having had Authority to empower him to appoint a Town Major at Detroit Mr MCLeod cannot be admitted as such, there being no establishment of the Kind for the Upper post, which is the only reason for my discontinuing Mr. McLeod’s of whome I have had a favorable character.15
MacLeod responded in a letter to Captain Mathews, General Haldimand’s secretary, 6 January 1780:
Sir, A few days after Major Depeyster’s arrival at this place: he read me a paragraph in a Letter from His Excelly General Haldimand, wherein he says, Whereas Lieut. Governor Hamilton made an appointment of Town Major which he had no authority to do, that he could not continue Mr. MacLeod notwithstanding he heard he was a good man, as there was no appointment as yet made for the Upper Posts, on which I reply’d that His Excellency never continued me, he then desir’d I would explain myself, I told him that as I found that Generals Carleton and Haldimand had not approved of said appointment that I never took the pay that was drawn for me, altho’ offer’d repeatedly, & beg’d he would do me the Justice to acquaint
Journal of Normand MacLeod
His Excellency therewith. But being fearfull that he may forget, I make bold to give you that trouble 8c depend much upon your friendship.
If ever such an appointment should take place, that you will lay in my claim, if faithfull services from the beginning of the year one thousand, seven hundred & forty seven in Holland Brabant & North America to the end of the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty four should merit any prefferences with his Excellency16
With the war drawing to an end and conditions in Detroit in doubt, MacLeod prepared to uproot again. In July 1782 records show he was still in Detroit; the survey or census of Detroit in 1782 shows that Normand MacLeod’s family consisted of himself, his wife, one female child, one female slave, and two cows.17 But by December of that year the documents all originate from Mackinac.
The records of the great fur-trading organization, the North West Company, show that in 1783 MacLeod entered into partnership with John Gregory. The firm, Gregory, MacLeod and Company, was absorbed by the North West Company in 1787 with MacLeod a silent partner in the later firm. In 1790 he sold his interest in the North
West Company and in 1796, in Montreal, he died.18 If we assume Normand MacLeod began his army career at the usual age of sixteen, then he would have been born in 1731 and thus have died at sixty-five.
Had MacLeod never lived it is hard to imagine that the course of history would have been greatly different. What makes his life, his letters, and his journal valid for study is that they show us the thread of the normal and average in the web of history. To study a George III or a Washington is fascinating, but theirs can hardly be considered typical lives. To study a MacLeod shows us an average life of ups and downs, false starts, small personal tragedies, irritation, anger, and happiness. It is a life most of us can understand. But he also left a record of his participation in events of great magnitude in the history of Detroit and of America. Because MacLeod was born Scottish and died Canadian it must not be forgotten that he was also a Detroiter, and for most of his life an American. His loyalties and interests placed him on the losing side, but it would be a disservice to our history if we did not recognize his experiences as being as authentically American as those of the winners in the American War for Independence.
1. Nelson Vance Russell, The British Regime in Michigan and the Old Northwest, 1760-1796 (Northfield, Minn.: Carleton College, 1939).
2. Clarence E. Carter, Great Britain and the Illinois Country, 1763-1774 (Washington, D.C.: The American Historical Association, 1910).
3. Russell, British Regime, p. 186.
4. Maumee and Miami are the same thing; Maumee is a phonetic spelling of the Indian pronunciation of Miami
5. William Stewart Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to th North West Company, Publications of the Champlain Society, no. 22 (Toronto, 1934), pp. 481- 82 (hereafter cited as North West Company Documents).
6. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, 40 vols. (Lansing, Michigan: 1874-1929), 10: 375.
7. Edmund B. O’Callaghan, ed.,Documents Relative to tlu Colonial History of the Stale of New York, 15 vols. (Albany: Weed, Parsons Sc Co., 1853-87), 8: 228.
8. John S. Keltie, A History of the Scottish Highlands,
Highland Clans, and Higland Regiments, 2 vols. (Edinburgh and London: A. Fullarton Sc Co., 1879), 2: 336.
9. J. W. Fortescue, A History of the British Army, 10 vols. (London: Macmillan Sc Co., 1899), 7: 591.
10. Sir William Johnson, The Papers of Sir William Johnson, ed. James Sullivan, Alexander C. Flick, Almon W. Lauber, and Milton W. Hamilton, 14 vols. (Albany:
State University of New York, 1921-65). All subsequent quotations, unless otherwise noted, are from this edition.
11. Silas Farmer, The History of Detroit and Michigan (Detroit: S. Farmer Sc Co., 1884), p. 837.
12. Wallace, North West Company Documents, pp. 481-82.
13. Michigan Pioneer Collection, 9: 484.
14. Ibid., 10: 283-84.
15. Ibid., 9: 633.
16. Ibid., 10: 374-75.
17. Ibid., p. 608.
18. Wallace, North West Company Documents, pp. 481-82.
Both MacLeod’s spelling and his punctuation are idiosyncratic and inconsistent by modern standards. Frequently he spells the same word several different ways, particularly in the case of proper names.
(The name Gown, for example, appears as Gawin, Gowen, Gowan, and Gown.) It is perhaps possible to detect MacLeod’s Scots pronunciation in certain spellings, such as nare for near or consither for consider. His capitalization also is erratic; while he frequently employs lowercase letters at the beginning of sentences, he tends to capitalize insignificant words, apparently at random. A minimum of punctuation is found in the journal. The most frequent mark is the dash, while MacLeod uses the comma and period sparingly and never employs the quotation mark, question mark, or colon. Only one semicolon appears, and it is probably an accident of penmanship. The apostrophe appears exclusively in contractions, particularly in the past
tense of regular verbs; it never occurs in the possessive case.
For the most part this text reproduces as faithfully as is consistent with clarity the features of the original, including pagination and lineation. MacLeod’s grammar has not been tampered with, and his spelling and punctuation have on the whole been preserved. The following principles have been followed for spelling, capitalization, and punctuation:
1. Spelling errors obviously the result of carelessness or haste have been silently emended.
2. Uppercase forms have been provided for the initial letters of all sentences and for proper names.
3. The modern letters has been substituted for MacLeod’s obsolete eighteenth-century form.
4. Editorial discretion has been exercised in instances of ambiguous letter formation.
Journal of Normand MacLeod
5. Full stops have been provided for all complete sentences.
6. Occasional commas have been provided to separate items in a series and to make phrase and clause divisions.
7. Colons have been provided to introduce lists or quoted letters and speeches.
8. Superscript abbreviations and other words added above the line have been brought down.
9. All abbreviations have been preserved with the exception of the superscript for pound as a unit of weight or volume, which has been brought down and emended to lb. Accidental features of the text such as blotting, deleted words or phrases which do not affect the sense, inadvertently repeated words, and extraneous marks have not been noted. All other editorial emendations and explications appear in brackets. (Purely textual emendations appear in Roman, editorial comments in italic.) These consist chiefly of conjectural readings of blotted words or letters and clarification of possibly confusing spellings. In cases where such a spelling appears more than once, the word is explicated only on its first appearance.
MacLeod’s journal has survived almost two centuries reasonably intact, particularly if one considers the hazardous conditions under which it was written. As we now have it, it begins in the middle of MacLeod’s entry for 25 September 1778 and breaks off at the entry for 22 January 1779. Because the expedition left Detroit 24 September and MacLeod was given leave to return there 22 January, it seems likely that no more than one or two pages are missing. On the back of the journal, very possibly in MacLeod’s hand, are written the latitude and longitude of Detroit and the latitude of Niagara; what appears to be a different hand has written Maire McLond.
Care was taken to have Every thing well coverd and at nine oClock mounted a Guard Consist ting of one Officer one Serjeant & 15 men. [Continu] -all rain all this Night-
This morning I Permited some men to go ahunting. One of which Spocke with an Indian who came from Otter Creeck1 and told him that he had seen two Frenchman there with a Canoe and said they came from the Miam[i] Town2 with the Frenchman calld the black Ribbon3 who had that morning gon by land to Detroit to aquaifnt] the Governor4 that the Virginians had sent a Belt5 to the Miami Indians. A little after Sun Set the wind a bated and I Propos’d going as fare as Point or River of Rocks6 as we had moon light. But my Companions Messers. Loran & Gowin7 said the wavefs]
Run still high and that it was dangerous going in the night with so manny pirogus8 in case the wind shoud rise, which happen’d to be the case for it began to
present-day Fort Wayne, Indiana, at the junction of the Saint Joseph and Saint Mary’s rivers, and consisted of two villages and the houses and stores of several traders.
(Notes continued on p. 4)
Also called Otter River, it is located between the Raisin and the Maumee rivers and flows into Lake Erie.
Chief town of the Miami Indians, one of the main
tribes of the Wabash Indian group. It was located near
The main village was Kekionga, the home of Pacane, head chief of the Miamis.
3. Probably Charles Beaubien's Indian name. Beaubien was an interpreter to the Miami Indians; earlier in 1778 he was one of the leaders of the Shawnee war party that captured Daniel Boone and brought him to Detroit. He was one of the men that left Vincennes along with MacLeod just prior to its capture. Also Bobian, Bobean, and Baubin.
4. Henry Hamilton.
5. Wampum belts were used to convey messages, which in this case was one of war. The recipient could either accept or reject the belt.
6. Riviere aux Roches, present-day Rock River, is located between the Huron and the Raisin rivers, and flows into the western end of Lake Erie.
7. Nicholas Lorrain, storekeeper at the Miami Town; Lt. Charles Gouin, Detroit Volunteer Militia, whose brother Nicholas was also on the expedition. Also Gowen, Gawin, Gown, and Goun.
8. Large open boats, frequently made from hollowed tree trunks.
Blow a bout eight oClock. At nine we [saw] a Sail Pass the mouth of the River whch we haild but would not come too, upon which I order the Boat after them, And was brought bake [back] about an hour afterwards. I found they were the two men that the Indian spock with at Otter River. They confirmed what the Indian had said, and told me that Mr. Bobian was the Person that had gon to Detroit. I keepd them all night.
The Guard this night as usual-
I wrote a letter this morning to G. Hamilton and an other to Mrs. MacLeod which I sent by the two men that came from the Miami Town. At nine the wind abated and we Embark’d at twelve oClock. The wind began to freshen and we was oblig’d to Put in under Point Raisin.1 Calmd, at three oClock & Sett off. Arrived at Point O Shain2 at ten in the Evening.
Guard as usual-
Located at the Lake Erie mouth of the Raisin River.
Pointe au Chene, located at the north side of the Maumee River where it enters Maumee Bay.
It began to rain this Morning at half after three, & Continued till twelve, when I order the Loadings to be examined But found nothing damaged. Only a few bags of Flour had got a little wate [wet]. I then desired the men to dry there own Nesessarys1 which was much wanted. At half after one we left Point oShain and Arrived at the Point Oposite Island Giete12 at half after five, we had a Strong head wind all this day. The usual Number on Guard.
Continual rain all this day, from about 2 oClock in the Morning till 7 in the afternoon, much about this time we heard a Bell and People driving Cattle.
I order three men to go and Stop them & bring their Commander to Camp; that I might speak with him. About eight they brought two Frenchmen with them who told me they were driving Cattle belonging to Mr. Isaac Williams from Sandusky to Detroit
Necessaries, the soldiers’ personal gear.
12. Probably one of the small islands in Lake Erie near the mouth of the Maumee River.
them. I ask’d them if they heard any news along
the Road, they Answer’d that Alexr. Elair told them
that he had met Mr. Bobian within a days Ride
of Detroit and that he told him, he must have one of
his horses as he was going Express to aqua[i]nt the Governor
that the Virginians was acoming to auPort,13 three
Thousand in number, & that Belts had arrived from
them at the Miami Town before his departure, &
that he was of opinion, the Indians there was going
to Join them. They like wise told me that Elair
had lost a horse, Upon which I orderd them to stay
all night as I intended to take two of their horses
from them to replace the other two. Guard as usual.
This morning I order’d all to Embark about 7oClock
and Proceed to the foot of the Rapits and there wait if
they found they could not get farther But if there was
any Posobility to get a long to Proceed their Rout. A But [about]
Same time I order’d Messrs. Lorin & Gowin to go and
Chouse the two best horses amongest them that I had Stopd.
On their arrival with the horses I gave the men an Order 13. Or Opost, an early name for Vincennes.
on Mr. Hay14 for the Payment of them, they were vallued at 250 cash. And then wrote the following Letter to the Governor-
The bearer of this informd me that Mr. Bobian on his way to you took one of the horses Sent from Detroit and that one is Since lost, which induc’d me to take two of Mr. Williams to replace them, Being well informd that the Service wanted the number Sent first. I have been Like wise told that he makes no Secret of telling every Indian & white he meets that there is no less than three Thousand Virginians at the Misisipee and that Belts had arrived from them at the Miami Town before his departure, and that he was of opinion they were going to join them. I expect to be at the foot of the Rapits in two hours hence, and Mr. Gowan will go Immediately off for the Miami Town. I have the honor to be Sir your most Obedt. Servt.
After which we Sett off and Arrived at the foot of the first rapit about Eleven oClock. Got about 2 miles farther when Mr. Loren informd me that it was
14. Maj. Jehu Hay, MacLeod’s commanding officer in the Detroit Volunteer Militia, second in command to Hamilton. He began his career as an officer in the Royal
American Regiment and served as Indian Commissary at Detroit while MacLeod held similar posts at Ontario and Niagara.
30 September 1778
Necessary to Stop and have all the Flour landd in Order to dry Such bags as had got wet as that would Sower all the rest. I therfor Orderd the whole to be Unloaded, Mr. Gowin with one Carpenter departed for the Miami Town about half after one oClock; it began to rain about 2, and half an hour after Mr. Bobian Arrived with young Mr. Schefflin15 who told me, he had Orders to Put himself under my Command, Mr. Bobian Said that he had Orders from the Governor to take Mr. Schefflen a long with him, But I thought it would be tou fatiguing for him and Accordingly desired him to Stay a long with me, Upon which Mr. Bobian Departed, Smittering Rain all this afternoon Prevented our dry the bags or geting farther.
I therfore desired them to Encamp and order’d the usual Guard to mount- 15. Lt. Jacob Schieffelin, Detroit Volunteer Militia; he was captured with Hamilton, but in 1780 he escaped from jail in Williamsburg, Virginia, and made his way to British-held New York City. Also Schefflen and Shuffelin.
1-2 October 1778
October 1st 78
As it had rain’d all night and till Eliven oClock this forenoon I was Advised by Mr. Lorin to Stay 8c have the Bags of Flour and the mens Necessarys dryed. At 12 fair weather, at 3 got every thing Pretty dry. At which time I order them to load & Push on.
At 6 the 4 formost Pfirogues] Arrived at Prisquill16 and
Not with standing the weather Promisd Very fair a
Little before this, all on a Sudint it began to thun
-der & Lightning Accompanyd at same time with such rain as
quit[e] dround our fires. The 4 Sternmost Pirogus
was obligd to Stop at the foot of the Rift and
it was 9 [?] oClock before I got the other twelve togeth
-er. Every man as wet as water could make them
and Could not make as much fire as Cook
the mens kettles.
The Rain Still Continued all this day with
dificulty Boild Some Victuals. At eight in the
Evening fair weather, mead [made] good fires for the night.
Guard as usual.
16. Presque Isle; the term means “peninsula,” and was 10 applied to many places that jutted into a lake.
3-4 October 1778
Presquille Octr 3d 78
Faire weather all this day un loaded the Priogus and dryd our Flour, Bearskins & other Covering.
Loaded again at lA hafter five in the Evening-
Mounted the usual Guard and Sleeped all night.
At two this Morning Nicolas & Charles Gowen arrived at our Camp with the Carpenter that was Sent with Mr. Gown from the foot of the Rapits and a Miamie Indian, who told me that Mr.
Seloron17 had Arrived at the Miamie Town before they departed from thence and that 2 hundred Virginians and 2 hundred Frenchmen was within a days March of Owia18 before Mr. Seloron came away and that a Pace [peace] belt and a Warr belt was from them arrived at the Miamie Town before Mr. Nicolas Gowen left that Pla[ce]. They Stayed with me till about Six oClock-
Gave them a man to assist them as the younger Gowen was sick. Gave them Some Provisions and wrote the following letter to the Lieut. Governor19-
17. Jean Baptiste Celoron, the son of the famous Pierre vance into the Ohio valley, thus precipitating the French Joseph Celoron de Blainville who led the French ad- (Notes continued on p. 12)
and Indian War. Jean Celoron was the British Indian agent at Ouiatenon, and was considered to be so effective at holding the Indians to the British cause that Clark sent out a special expedition to dispose of him. Celoron fled, but Hamilton never forgave him and suspected him of being a double agent. Also Siloron.
18. Another name for Ouiatenon, the main village of the Wea tribe of the Wabash Indians. It was a large trading post located about halfway between the portage on the Maumee River and Vincennes. Also Wia.
19. Edward Abbott, headquartered at Vincennes.
4 October 1778
Presquille the 4th October 78-
On my Arrival at the foot of the Rapits four Days ago Mr. Gowen took his departure for the Miamie Town, and three days Continual rain Prevented my
Geting any farther than Six miles Since then-
This morning about two oClock Mr. Nicholas Gowen arrived here on his way to you, and his Brother being un well Return’d along with him. But forwarded your Spetch [speech] to the Indians with the Strings of wampum, by Mr.
Bobean, who is gon forward; My People is quainted with the News Mr. Gowan brings, And they Receved it in Such a manner as makes one a fraid that I will gain no honor by being their Commander, Messers.
Loran, Gaffie and Young Schefflen being the only
Person I can depend on-When I arrive at Rush de
-beaut20 I will order the Cattle to go on, & Endevour to have them Encamp along with me every night I have the honor to be Sir Your most huble Servt.
As Soon as it was clear day light we Embarked, And
20. Rocher de Bout, a rocky projection into the Maumee River.
Arrived at Woolfs Rapit about Vfc After three in the
afternoon, a little afterwards Patrick Magluskie
and Captain Magies21 boy arrived who told me that they had
an other man along with them But left him at the
foot of the Rapits with 19 [?] horses. And that they came
after me to get Provisions, as they had non for three
days Past. I ask’d them where they had left Captn.
Magie they Said at Moguagors [?].22 They likewise told me that Lieut, la Presnier de Render23 with 13 mens Came along with them. And Said they had a man Droun’d a Crossing the River Huron. Mr. deKender & his men was Very much in want of Provisions & beg’d I would [sen]d them some. After this I order’d the People to Encamp a little above Mr. McDrums [?] house and orderd Mr. Loran to Issue three days Provisions to Magluskie and his two men. I then got a tent from Said Magluskie; And took ten Bear Skins from Mr. Daniel Bowen for which I gave a recept, then Ordered the Guard to mount as usual-C:S: Hamilton24
21. Magie is probably Alexander McKee, the famous British Indian leader, at this time a captain in the Indian Dept.
22. Possibly Monguagon, now a township in Wayne County, Michigan.
23. One of the De Quindres, probably Francois, Sieur de la Picanier. There were three lieutenants named De Quindre on the Hamilton expedition, all in the Indian Dept.: Fontiney, Francois, and Ponchartrain. Fontiney captured Daniel Boone. Also de Kender, de Kander, de Kaint, de Kent, and de Quandre.
24. C:S: stands for “countersign.”
5 October 1778
October the 5th 78-
This morning when I was ready to embarke Alexander Elair came to me and Said that neither he nor any of his men had any Provisions, that they had lost all thier Bisquits a Crossing the River. This is the man that was Sent from Detroit as guid with the 5 Pair of Oxen & the ten horses.
The Same day I left that Place, knowing that there was a Great dalle [deal] of rain fell I thought his Story was true. Therfore Order him and his four men two days flour But no Pork as I know the rain would not damage
it-On this I was immedately Sorounded by my own
Party Some of whome told me that they had lost thier Bread owing to the bad Covering they had for their Periogues. This I know to be Very true And therefor order’d them 45 lb. flour. Half after eight embark’d & Proceeded on our Voage. At 12 Lieut, de Kander overtook me.
We din’d together and at one oClock Sett off again.
Arrived above the Great rapits25 a little after three.
Half an hour after Mr. Ainslie26 and Mr. de Renders Party Arrived who complaind of the want of Provisions
25. Probably near the present-day town of Grand Rapids, in Wood County, Ohio.
26. Amos Ansley, a master carpenter.
I then Ordered my Party to Encamp and Mr. Loran Issued one days Provisions to Mr. de Render & his 13 men.
I then Ordered Mr. de Render and Party with Elair & his 4 men to encamp at some little distance below us and during the night to keep three Centrys upon the road and the Cattle betwixt the Centrys and River and in case of an alarm in the night to Join me Immediately with all his Party. C.S. for this night
Detroit-1 forgot to mention a man I left at Mr.
Bowens this Morning that had been Several days Sick.
He was Victualed to the 11th Instant-
This morning Embarked at Seven oClock and at three Arrived Neare the Island Beman. And half an hour after a Boat [with] four of the men that was with Mr. Fontaney de Render [agaijnst Fort Boon27 Arrived at Camp came from the Miami [Town] the 4th Instant and brought me a letter from Mr. Bobian Setting forth that things was not as bad there as he Imagind at his departure from me, two miles above the first Rapit.
Likewise mentioned that he had Spoke with all the Indians
thire and with the French also And that all of them Seemed
[to] be well disposd, And wished the Governors Arrival. He further
27. Possibly a reference to the fort at Boonsborough the Kentucky River in present-day Fayette County, Ken-
erected April 1775, located about sixty yards south of tucky. It was often under attack by Indians.
6 October 1778
Said that he had Sent to the Shawnnoues28 to come as Soon as they could. He beg’d I would send Lieut, de Render and all his Party to forward the Necessary workes before we arrived. I forgot to mention that I mett Mr. Seloron at nine oClock this morning on his way to meet the governor in a Periogue with three men. He told me that he was Present at the Wia when one Mr. Dequanic29 Indian Interpreter for the Rebels Arrived there, the day before he came away. Mr.
Dequanic and the few that acompanyd him Said
that they came to Speak with the Indians and that they
had two belts for them, the one was for Pace [peace], the other for
Warr, and that the Indians might take their Choice, that
they were Prepar’d for them. On which Mr. Seloron desired
they might meet in his house, which they agreed to. Mr.
Seloron heard every thing that was Said at this meeting and took a Copy of the whole which he Carries to the Governor. Mr. Seloron farther sais that he Recived a letter Since his departure from a Servant of his who informs him that One James Rogers30 at the head of 200 Virginians & 200 French Arrived at Wia the
28. Shawnee Indians.
29. Possibly Ambroise Dagenet, a pro-American Vincennes merchant.
30. Probably Lt. John Rogers, cousin to George Rogers Clark.
6 October 1778
Day after he Said Siloron came away, their Commander One Colonel Clark, or Some Such name had Stayd at Post St. Vincine,31 and that One Miate Cardinale32 had Rais’d a Company there of which he himself was Captain and was Along with those that Arrived at Wia. It Seems they Desired the Indians to keep quite, as the Present warr did not Concern them. Mr. Seloron likewise told me that one Mr. Bollon from the Ilinois went to Virgina
In order to bring troops to Garrison that Place-
The 2 men being only Victualed to this day I ordered Mr. Loran to Issue five days Provisions to the whole. My Party is now 72 men myself Included. After this the Camp
was form’d. The Guard as last night-
C:S: Lernoult. After this I wrote the following Letter to the Goverenor:
Camp at Island Bima 6th. Octr 78
At nine oClock this Morning I mett Mr. Seloron on his way to you And by what he Says I am Convinced of the
Truth of Mr. Go wens news-On receiving the enclosd at half
three, I ordered Lieut, d Render with one man & two
31. A variant name for Vincennes, which was also called was killed fighting against the pro-British Indians under Saint Vincent’s or Post Vincent. Little Turtle in 1780.
18 32. Millet Cardinal, who was actively pro-American and
might be Necessary to lighten Some of yours-
I have the honor to be-
Sir Your most Obdt. Servt.
A little after I had closed the above letter one J. Petty of my Party cut his foot with an Ax on which I orderd the Boat to Stay till Morning & take him along with them.
6-8 October 1778
The four men was Served three days Provisions. And Petty had five as he had recived his before they cam. Wrote a Letter to Mrs. MacLeod.
At day break the Boat went off, and we embarked Vz Past Six. Messers. Loran & Ainslie took thier depar -ture at the sametime. Arrived at the Pei Pla33 at three oClock. And as I found it Convenient for our encampment having so manny horses & Oxen I ordered the whole to halt and Encamp.
Guard as Usual. C.S. Montreale-
Embarked at Seven oClock this morning Weather Very fogie till about 11 oClock. A Very Strong water for three Leagues. The black bass is so Plenty in this River that Several have jumped into the Periogues. This happen’d there three or four days. On my Arrival at the Grand Glase34 at one oClock, the Indans on each Side the River turned out 8c Saluted us in their Usual manner. A little above the Indian Houses, finding it convenient
33. The pays plat, the flat country about twenty-five miles from the mouth of the Auglaize River.
34. Grande Glaize River, present-day Auglaize River, the principal tributary of the Miami.
8 October 1778 for the Cattle & Perogues I order the whole to encam[p]. About half and hour after the Chief & 16 of his followers came & gave me thier hand. After they were Satted [seated] I fill’d my Cacumett35 and Sett it round.
The Chief then advised me as follows, I am Glad to See you here So is my Young men. I heard you was Coming therefor Sent Some of my Young men a Hunting to kill Deer to make you Soop, the wea -ther being tou warme the Vennison would not keep.
I am Sorry for it however I brought you a
Side it is all I got. But Should you make any
Stay you Shall have more. He Said he heard
the Great man36 was Coming. And that he hoped he would
bring them a little of his Milk37 and Some Tobacco to
Smoak as they intended Not to go from home till
he Arrived. I said it was 16 day Since I left
Detroit and that I was like themselves that I drank
my Bottle the day before my departure But never
Carried any along with me when I went to Warr,
35. Calumet, or Indian pipe.
36. Henry Hamilton.
8 October 1778 that the weather was Very bad most of the time Since
I came away. And that I heard the Road was not
Clear, that I Sent the French [at] dusk [?] with a Young
Englishman away yesterday to See if the Road
was Still open to the Miamie Town
and that I intend to go on Sloly till I mett them.
I then got two Bottles Rum indeed it was all I had.
I told them that that was all the Rum I had got And
that I was Very Glad to have it to give to them, that
I lookd on them as friends, that i was Sure they
did not Encourage the big knives38 to Stope the Road,
that 1 was Sure the Great Man there father would be here in a few
days 8c would bring them everything that wase
Necessary for them. But in the mean time
I would give them a Carrett39 of Tobacco Some Powder
and Ball-they seemd to be well Plased at Parting. C.S. Quibec the usual Guard.
At Seven oClock Messrs. Cottrel, la Fontain, and St.
Marie40 Arrived in Camp from the Miamie Town.
38. Indian term for the Pennsylvania-Virginia frontiersmen. Long knives, which occurs later in the journal, seems to be synonymous.
39. A large twist of tobacco.
40. Three traders from the Miami Town.
8 October 1778
They brought me a letter from Mr. Bobean desi[ri]ng I would forward Lieut, de Render & his Party. These Gentlemen Said that the Virginians was no farther then St. Vincenns Yet and that they were not to Come farther till they had an Answer from all the Indians to whome they had Sent Belts. At half Past Seven I wrot the following letter to the Governor and Sent off two men in the Cannoe the above Gentlemen Arrived in-:
Sir Camp at Grand Glace 8th Octr. 78
At Seven oClock Messers. Cottrel St. Marie &
La Fontain Arrived here from the Miami Town and brought in the inclosd. They informe me the [sic] that the Ribels has not left St. Vincens. Nor will they Untill they have an Answer from all the India[ns] to whome they have Sent Bilts. Mr. Bobian Says Much the same in his letter to me. Lieut, de Kinder and Party with all the Cattle goe on Early tomorrow Morning And I follow as fast as I can-
8-9 October 1778
I might almost be there be this time if I had Such News as this from Messrs. Gowan 8c Seloron But there News So Intimidated my Party that I am Sure ten men would take us all Prisoners.
I therefor was Obligd to Act Cautiously-
I have the honor to be sir Your most huble Servt.
The first Part of this morning nothing could be don as it Rain’d So much, it began last night at half Past ten Accompanied with a Great [deale] of Lightning and Very Loud thounder. I thought to have Sent Lieut, de Render and Party off early this morning But the four horses that was left here Some days ago by Messrs. Gowan & Bobian Could not be found and I did not think it Proper to leave them behind. On which I ordered men to go and hunt for them. And at Same time Orderd Bogard and Montrea41 Immediatly off for the
41. Two carpenters from Detroit.
Miami Town and on their Arrival there to Put themselves under Mr. Ainslies Command. The Gentlem[e]n that Arrived here last night returned a long with them. Gave each of them a horse and they departed at 12 oClock. I wrote the following letters, one to Mr. Ainslie, the other to Mr. Baubin: Ainslie Mr. Sir
I have sent you Jacob42 and Montrea to assist You in Cutting and Preparing Timber Untill Lieut, de Render & Party Arrives which I Supose will be a day or two after them. Mr. Cottrel Says you can borrow Some Tools from the inhabitants, in Particular] from a Carpenter who lives there. Your first care Should be to the Carts and have at least two long Wagons mead to Carry over the Boats. A Store House would Likewise be Very Necessary and as Barke will not Peill [peel] to have it Coverd with Straw. In four days after this you may Expect me there.
I am Sir your humble Servt.
42. Apparently an error for Bogard.
Sir Camp at Grand Glaze 9th Octr. 78
Your letter to the Governor was forwarded
an hour After it Arrived. And I return you my
thanks for your active bheaviour [behavior] Since your Arrival
at the Miamie in forwarding His Majestys Service.
I have Sent you two Carpenters to assist Mr. Ainslie in Repairing the Carriages and if Posible make two Long wagons to Carry over the Boats. Mr. de Render and Party with all the Cattle will go immediately after them. You will Employ every Person You can to carrie on the Service.
But Such Poor People as cannot find themselves Provisions you will buy it for them, and keep a Regular acct. of the Same till the Governors Arrival who will order it to be Payd. And as Barke will not Peile at this Season of the year you will cover the Store Houses with Straw or Grass. I hope to have the Pleasure of Seing you in a few days. I am Sir Your most Huble Servt.
To Mr. Baubin Normd MacLeod
At 2 oClock it Cleard up and order the People to Embark. I left Lieut, de Render there waiting 2 horses the Indian had the other Side the River, the other two was on our Side but could not be found. I desired him to leave a man or two behind to bring them on when found and march on himself and Party. At half Past four we Encamped at Prarie Point about Six miles from the Grand Glaze.
The usual number On Guard C.S. Mercer.
Embarked at Seven oClock, at 12 Lieut.
de Kent and Party Overtook us. And told me that
one of the four horses that was left at the
Glaze could not be found. As he and his
Party wase only Victualed to the 11th I orderd
them two days Provision being 11 in number which Serves to
the 13th. And on that day I expect to be at the
Miamie with my Party-Encamped four
Miles below the Marie de Lorme43 at five oClock. The usual Number on Guard C.S. Divernett-
This morning Embarked at Seven oClock, at nine mett Mr. Loran on his way from the Miamis above the Marie de Lorme with three French -men and the Grand Sou, an Indian Chief who Carries the following letter with one from Mr.
Bobian and one from Mr. Loran to the Governor:
Marie de Lorme Sundy mg nine oCloc[k] Sir I mett Mr. Loran on his way from the Miami. He tells me that he Spocke with the Indians there and assured them that you are on your way. And will Soon be there. This they would not belive from Mr. Bobean. They are now Pleased and are determind to Stay at there houses Untill they See you. The Express Mr. Bobian Sent to the
43. Le Marais de l’Orme, the marsh of elms, present-day Mary Delarme Creek. It is located halfway between Defiance, Ohio and Fort Wayne, Indiana.
River angis44 is Arrived and bring Certine Intelige[nce] that there is only forty Virginians at St Vinciens & that they have no Intension of coming up the Wabash. But an Indian report revales that they go be the way of Shucago45 and there build a Fort.
But on my Arrival at the Miamis I will Sent off an express to St. Josephs46 to know the truth of this Story. Mr. Loran has built Oven enough to Carry on the Bakeing busness. And I shall be there the day after to morrow to Expedite the other workes. The day before yesterday I sent off Bogard & Montry to Cutt and Prepare timber with Mr. Ainslie and disired they would make two long waggons to Carrie the Boats and Perogues over the Portage. I have the honor to be Sir Your most Huble Servt.
44. Probably Riviere a l’Anglais, present-day Langlois Creek.
45. Chicago, an Indian word meaning “great” or “powerful,” and designating the location of present-day Chicago, Illinois. According to M.M. Quaife it was sometimes applied to the Mississippi to indicate it was a great river. Fr. Joutel, who came with LaSalle in 1687, said the place was called Chicagou because of the powerful smell of garlic growing there. Also Shicagoe.
46. A fort at present-day Niles, Michigan; it was occupied and destroyed by the Spaniards in 1881.
After closing my letter, Sent the Indian Cheif and two Frenchman in a Cannoe to meet the Governor and a little after 11 oClock we Embark’d and followed the rest of the Perogues. At half Past four Encamp’d Near Point Carrial. The People being only Victualed to this day I Ordered Mr. Loran to Issue four days Provisions fore Fifty Six men Incluiding myself and the other three Gentlemen-Guard as Usual.
C.S. for this night Bird-
Enbarked this Morning at Seven oClock and arrived at Sun Sett at our Encamp--ment four miles above Rapit de Beuf.
Guard as usl. C:S: this night Shorde.
This morning Enbark’d at half Past Six And Arrived at the end of the Plain 2lA miles below the Miamie Town, mead a little halt before we Set off.
Mr. Francois Masonvill47 Arrived. He Said Mr.
Nicolas Gowen was along with him but that
he had gon on to his house. He then handed me
his Instructions from the Governor which was wrote
the Sixth instant. In which I Saw there wase a
Discratonary order for me leaving me to act as I
Pleasd. After Chating alittle we Pushed on And
Arrived at the Town at four oClock when the Inha
-bitants and Indians Saluted us in forme. On which
I Ordered my People to return the Salute to which
we aded three Chears. I ordered the People to encamp
on the Bank in the front of the Houses. Mounted
the usuale Guard. C:S: Caldwell. All the Trading
People waitd Upon me and Very Politely Said they were glad to
See me. Mr. Bobian ask’d me to his house and Said
the Indians would com and Speak with me the[re].
On his Arrival he told them I was the first Chief
47. Francois Maisonville, the boatmaster of the expedition. He seems to have been both a boatbuilder and a woodsman, and often acted as a guide. At the siege of Vincennes he was captured before the fort fell and was partially scalped by Clark. When Hamilton surrendered, Maisonville chose to stay with the British in captivity rather than take an oath of allegiance to the Americans. His scalping is considered to be one of several acts of unnecessary cruelty that Americans engaged in during the campaign. Others included killing Indian prisoners and cruelty toward the British after they surrendered.
I am come before him with nothing but Provisions.
You Se I have a Great dale. But it is nothing in Coparison to what corns along with him. He bring[s] Every thing Necessary for your Women & Children to Cloath and feed them. He likewise brings every thing that is Necessary for a Warrior with Plenty of milk to the Wise Cheifs. I know you heard bad News from the Wabash. But I am Surprisd you Would listen to Such bad Birds. The long knives you know has been thretning not only the Indians But you[r] father at Detroit this three Years Past,
But you See with Pleasure they could do nothing.
They have not been able to Save thereown People.
Has not Some of your Warriors in this Village Arrivd the other day with three of their Scalps. An other of your Chiefs is Soon Expected and I hope he will Bring more. The long knives knows the Indians on the Wabash has not Struk them yet and therefor they were not afraid of comming amongest them.
They tell them that they are Strong enough to open
the Road and disire the Indians to be quate [quiet]. They
tell them thus because they are afraid of them,
they desire them to mind there hunting. But
what will they hunt with, has the long knives
been able this three years Past to give them any
thing to hunt with. No they go naked themsel-
-ves. [ . . . ] your father at Detroit that gives and
send you all. And you Shall Soon [Se]e him
here with a good number of brave Whitemen
and Indians and open the Road to the Misisipie
health. Which went round-
They replyed that they heard I was comming the which mead them Glad. They were happy in Assembling there together and that Some of them [ . . . ] Present had true hearts. They further Said when they heard from there father at Detroit they were Very Glad and any News from him mead there hearts Eaies [easy] as they belived what he Said or desired Should be told was truth.
But whenever they heard any News the other way meaning the Wabash they were afraid & Trembled. But tho they had Prepard themselves to go to there Winter hunting they
Declin’d going when they heard he wase Comming and that not aman of them would Stir from there Village till he did Com. But in the mean time would be glad to taste a little of his Milk and Some Tobbaco to Smoak, Upon which I gave them four
Bottles Rum and three Carrots Tobacco-
There was one of this Village Arrived from Detroit at the Same time as I did who brou ght Rum with him and gave them to Drink berfore they came to See me.
He that Spoke was drunk. Which in a Little time he ownd and Saing he could not Speak any more he was drunk on which we Parted. But about an hour after
13-14 October 1778
I was in bed in my Tent Mr. Bobian came and told me the Indians wanted to Speak with me. I Put on my Cloaths and went along with him. They began to Speak but nothing more than a Repetition of what they had formerly Said. I was however detaind two hours with them and Obliged to give an other dram before we Parted-
This morning I ordered all the People to be Assembled to wit English & French to have the Oath of aligiense administred to them which I did myself. I then desired Lt. de Kent to Deliver all the Oxen, horses, harness ase. [etc.] to be to Mr. Nicolas Gowen And such of the Inhabitants as had horses 8c Carts to be Very obedient and ready to asist him whene he Command them to carry over the Portage.
Then Orderd 4000 [pounds] Flour to be landed & delivered
14 October 1778 to Mr. Loran with 654 Barrels Pork & three Firkins Butter. After this was don I ordered the Boat and all the Perogues to Proceed to the Landing &
then Unload and Camp till farther orders-
After the Perogues was gon I wrote the following Letter to Governor Hamilton:
Sir Miamie 14th Octr. 78-
I have the Pleasure to aquaint you that I Arrived here at four oClock yesterday afternoon and Soon after the few Indians that are here assem-
-bled. I told them that I hoped they were now-
Convinced that you are Comming. And that they would Soon See you here, that you came Purposly to assist them, and with a good number of white men and a Great many Indians of different nations you would Open to [the] road to the Misisipi which road they were mead to belive was Stoped by the long knives. They Said when they heard
Comming or any news from you that they were happy and there hearts were Glad. But whene the news came from the Wabash they were afraid and Trimbled. One of there Nation called the wild Beast went to See the long knives. And laid his hand on the head of there Chief and told him that he was a Iyer and that he would not belive any thing he Said. That there father at Detroit only Spoke the truth to them and he only they would belive. On which they used he [him] very roug--hly and turnd him out of there Counsills But that he is now Satisfied his father is comming
and hopes to be revengd of his afronts-
I ordered the Oxen horses & etc to be deliverd to Mr. Gowen, at the Same time take all the Carts and horses in the Place and Commanded the People to be Obedient when he had Ocation to call for them. I assembled all the Inhabitants and had them
Sworn in due forme. I am Sending four men to the Wia to bring Intelligence from thence and one to St. Josephs with a letter to Mr. Shevally48 desiring him to let me know if there is any truth in that Report of the Virginians going to Shicago. I took the liberty of telling him that you would be here about five days hence and would be glad to have the Pleasure of Seing him here. Should this meet your aprobation I Shall be Very happy. But if not I hope you will look upon it as an error not Intentionally don but rather through ardent zeale for his Majestys Servic. I ordered flour to be landed here to have Bread enough baked on your Arrival. The Perogues is gon to the landing to unload and tomorrow morning Shall begin to Carry over. Which I hope will be finishd four days after this. All the Young Traders here French as well as English Seems alert & willing to Serve you.
48. Louis Chevalier, a trader at Saint Joseph. Also She-vallier and Shevallie.
14 October 1778
After finishing my letter as I thought I order Mr. Loran to issue eight days Provisions to the five men that was order to go [to] the Wia and St. Josephs, two days to Lieut, de Kent & 10 men, two days to Mr. Ainslie and 2 Carpinters, and two days to Mr. Francois Masonvill 8c 2 men who was going with him to meet the Governor and Carry my letter. When they were ready to go being about 12 oClock the Packan49 Arrived from the Wia and I must here what he had to Say before Masonvill could depart. After he had Dressed himself I waitdd on him. He then began as follows. Father hearing So much talk of the long knivs Comming I left there without telling any Person my intention. Arriving at the River Angu50 I met the Son of the Tobacco51 who told me that he had brought the long knives
49. Pacane, the Nut, head chief of the Miami Indians.
50. Either identical with MacLeod’s earlier River Angis or means the Riviere a l’Anguille, the present-day Eel River.
51. Also known as Young Tobacco, son of the Pianka-shaw chief, Old Tobacco. Both seem to have had some allegiance to the Virginians.
14 October 1778 along with him. They were good People and they had given them there hand on which he asked what the Packan his Grand father as he Calld him Thought. He Answered nothing at all which answer Silenced the Son of the Tobacco for some tim. But in alittle after Said the long knives was to give him the Command of one hundred Soldiers at the head of which he would open the Road for the north, on which the Packan Replyd are you, you Fools, able to lead People, after you Sold your lands to them you came to us to meet your father and to Conduct him to St. Vinces. You now fort get [forget] him and you Come to open the road to the long knives. On this they Parted an[d] Packan went to the Wia.
The long knives came there that day and Called a Councell of the Indians at which
he was Present. He Says that there Commander gave his left hand to the Indians as he came along,
till he cam to him and gave him his right-
on which the Packan demand the reason whie he gave him the right and the others the left.
He Says they had two Interpreters, the one was an Englishman Spoke good Illinois and French, the other was an Old Frenchman And that they both began to dispuit about what the Indians were Saying on which they Laughd and came away. He Sais that Some of the other Chiefs wase for killing the long knives Seing there wase but 25 [?] of them But that he himself told them that they were fools to think of Such a thing at Present as we hav[e] no Certain News from our father and if there Comes no more than thise we have time enough.
Next day he and the other Indians came away and at Some distance from the Place they halted and laid a Plot to take all the long knives Prisoner that Very Night. The Packan was to go to the bake of the Fort to alittle Gate and call to the Godfroys52 who he knew would lett him in. The other Indians was to go in at the other Gate and So Sease them all. He Says this might Easly be Executed as they drank much and Fought amongest themselves. The Indians went back to Execute there Plan but the long knives was gon. After telling me all this he Said if Masonvill would wait till he Spoke with his friends in the vilage he woud go along with him and meet the Governor. This mead me write the following adition to my let[ter] 52. Probably the fur trader Daniel-Maurice Godfroy de Linctot and his family. This is an interesting incident because Godfroy, or Linctot, was one of Clark’s most enthusiastic supporters.
I finished my letter at 12 oClock and Mr.
Masonvill was then ready to Sett off. But the Packans Arrival from the Wia Prevented his going till late in the night and as he Acompanys him I need not mention what he Said on his Arrival. But not withstanding the Good News he brings, I have Sent off the four men to the Wia and one to St. Josephs to bring Still more fresh Inteliginces and Perhaps more to be depend on. I am as before Sir Your most Huble Servt.
As it began to rain about 9 oClock last night and Continued till this Morning to 12 oClock the Packan would not go and of Course Put a Stop to Masonvill. This wase not our only hurt by bad weather, it Prevented us geting any thing over the Portage. At one oClock fair weather and the Packan and Masonvill took their departure. At 2 I dined with Mr.
Loran. I immediately Sett off for the landing Place, at the Same time desired Mr. Gowen to have all the Horses and Carts at the end of the Portage at night in Order to have them Loaded early in the Morn ing. Mr. Gowen did not arrive at Camp all night nor any of his People. C:S: Haldiman-
At Seven this morning I ordered Mr. de Kent to make himself ready to go along with ten men to the other Side the Portage taking five days Provisions with him and three Axes to Cut firewood for the Troops and Repair the road if necessary. At Eight I ordered all my People to Parade on which I told them that thirty two of them wase to return to Detroit, nine to Stay with me, Six with Mr. Gowen, two with the Carpenters, and two with Mr. Loran,
Besides Mr. de Kents ten, and one that wase Sick
in the Town. I told them they knew one anothers familys
and at this Season of the Year their Necessitys. I woud
At half Past eleven Mr. Gowen Arrived with Seven Carts at which time came Messers. Cotrell, Wigans and Fonteny with their own Carts and a horse each.
In all ten Carts and these Loaded, Consisting of the following articles, Vidz. 8800 lb. Flour, 12 Bales dry Goods,
7 oil Cloaths Calling [called] Russian Sheating, Such tho without every [one] being Painted and 112 Bear Skins,53 in order
53. Bearskins were the eighteenth-century equivalent of sleeping bags. Oilcloth was usually painted to make it waterproof, so the unpainted oilcloths purchased by the party would have been of dubious value.
After this wase don I wrote the following letter to the Governor: Miamie landing 16th October 78
At eight oClock last night Messers. St. Marrie and Fouchie54 Arrived here in four days from the Wia and met the four men I ordered to go there, who returnd with them. They Say much the Same as the Packan that there wase only twenty five Virginians, and about as manney French Voluntires. They are all gon down the Stream. But not before they Pack up two or three old Kettles and Potts, a few Peuter Plates and an old Ax the Property of Mr. Seloron. All the People there took the Oath of Neuterality, which they Say they wase oblig’d to do. The rain and Snow Yesterday put a Stop to our worke. Nothing carried over Yet But Shall begin to day. I have the honor to be Sir
Your most Fluble Servt.
After I closed the above I wrote one to Mrs. MacLeod, one to Mr. Mucnamara & an other to Mr. Macpherson,55
54. Probably Foucher, a Canadian trader who joined the expedition.
55. Macnamara and Macpherson were Detroit businessmen; MacLeod later refers to Macnamara as his partner.
16 October 1778 on which Mr. Gaffie went to the Town with those that was going to Detroit and Part of them that wase to Stay in Order to draw their Provisions from Mr.
Loran. After Mr. Gaffie took down all there Names that wase going home, the Number of Kettles, Axes, bags, Perogues, etc. I wrot as follows under there names:
As it is not necessary to keep these men longer they have my leave to depart taking along with them four Good Perogues I saw in the River on my way up here. And when they meet Governor Hamilton to Present him this with a letter.
Normd MacLeod Miami landing 16th Octr. 78 Before this was all don a Number of Indians men and Women Arrived with I Supose fifty horses in Order to Carrie things aCross. I told them they Could not get flour unless they Put the bags in there Blanketts as the Bags wase Rotten with the rain.
Several of them did this and others took Ferkins,
16 October 1778
Kegs and Bales. We loaded forty of there horses in
this manner and I mead Young Schefflen make
Bons [boats?] for every two Pices [pieces] and ordered Lt. de Kent
to receive them the other Side. Mr. Gaffie Returnd
at four oClock and told me that a Perogue had
gon a drift from the Town last night and that
he had Commanded the men going to Detroit
to Pick it up and take it along with them-
The Carts Returned at Six oClock. I ordered them to unyoake and keep Centrys a round the Cattle all night, the rest to encamp with us. Mr.
Ainslie and his four men Spent this day in Grinding there Axes and Preparing tim
-her for Trucks and long Waggons-
Only Six men on Guard this night-
17 October 1778
Camp at Miamie Landing 17th Octr. 78 At Sunrise the People that drove the Carts went to look for thier horses which wase all found but Mr. Wiggins. At half Past Seven Nine Carts wase Loaded and Sent off. Some time after Mr. Wiggins Arrived with his horse, But as he could not get an other to yoke with him went home. There was only here to be found three of the Detroit horses one of which cou’d not draw, the other two lame. At ten oClock Mr.
Gowen Arrived from his house. I asked him Where all the Horses wase. That out of thirty five horses we had only eighteen employed.
He Said the Detroit horses was good for nothing,
Lame and Poor and not able to worke. I told him that he never had Assembled all together to
17 October 1778 make any trial of them. Notwithstanding I gave
him as manny men as he wanted Since my arrival, and
that I could not help thinking But more could be don
then there wase. And that I wase Sure four of the
Perogues might be at the other Side this night
if things had been Properly Managed. He answerd
that every truck required Six horses. I answerd there was eighteen
with the Carts and 12 for the two Trucks wase no
more than thirty and that I allowed five to be Sick
and Lame. He then told me that Bobean had
Lent two of the Kings horses to the Indians to go a
Hunting. On this information I ordered Mr. Gaffie
with three men to go immedately to the Town and tell
Bobean from me to deliver him the Kings horses
and that I thought it would be much more Prudent of Mr.
Bobean to give his own horses to forward the Service then tacke any from it, that he ought to have given a good Example to all the People in the Place. But
17 October 1778 in Stead doing that I Saw he hinderd the Service, that he knew Messers. Wiggans, Cotrell and La Fontain had but one horse each and that they came in person to worke them. Mr. Gowen went away at the Same time with Mr. Gaffie. But what he is going to do I cannot Say, but that I am Sure he is Very Neglectfull of the worke of the Carrying Place. The loading of the Nine Carts Consisted of the following Articles, vidz: 7600 lb. Flour, 4 Bales, IIV2 Barrels Pork, 1 Firkin Butter and 9 Bear Skins, 4 oil Cloths. Deliverd Mr. Loran 15 Boards to make tables for the Bakers. I had Messers. Loran, Gowen and Wiggans to examine four Perogues I ordered to be taken from the Town, one the Property of Mr. Cotrell at one hundred & eighty livers, one Mr. Loran two hundred & fifty one, St. Marrie 270 lb. one Mr. Lorime56 . . . 2 7 0 lb. I was informd this day that there wase two or three horses in the Town Unemploy’d besides Bobians. Upon which I gave the following order to Mr. Gowen to take them:
56. Peter Lorimier, or Laramie, a British agent who had a post near the portage between the Great Miami and the Saint Mary’s rivers.
Sir Camp at Miamie Landing 17th Octr. 78
You will take all the horses you can find
belonging to the Inhabitants for his Majestys Service, The two employ’d for the use of the Bakers excepted. And keep
an Accompt of everyday they worke-
I am Sir
Normd MacLeod To Mr Nicolas Gowin:
The nine Carts returnd from the other Side at half Past two. I disired them to unyoke and let the horses feed a little while they were Eating thier dinners And afterwards get the two trucks and load them with two Perogues to be ready to morrow morning. One Centry at our Camp this night. C:S: Delgarnoc.
There was 9 horses of Mr. Gowins employd Yester
-day and 8 this day-at Seven in the
afternoon I received the following Note from Mr. Baubin: Mr. Normand MacLeod Sir I have the honor to let you know that I have
Sent every horse that can draw to the Portage. There is a few remaining. I Shall Send to look for them to morrow morning and Send them to the Portage. I have the honor to be Sir Your Huble Servt.
At Seven this morning I sent off two Trucks with two Perogues.
Messers. Gowen, Cotrell, Wiggens and La Fontain Arrived from the Town. Cotrell and Wiggens tooke a load each in there Carts Consisting as follows: 3 Bags Flour, 1314 Barles Pork,
2 Bales, 1 Box and three Small Kegs Nails, 2 whipe Saws & 2 oil Cloths.
At eight finished a New Truck and Sent off another
Perogues. At nine oClock Sent Mr. Gaffie to the Town with 4 men and an Order to Bring Nine Bushels Indian Corn for the Use of the Kings draught Horses and 12 Pound of Butter to Grease the Cart and Trucks with.
18 October 1778
Ordered Mr. Gowen with five men to go and Repair the Road 8c Bridges. Mr. Gowen Employd 8 of his horses this day, and one of Baubins which I Intend keeping in Service The Same number of days as the Indians
keepd the two horses he lent them of the Kings-
At half Past one finish’d a Truck and Pass’d an other Perogue. La Fontain wint with this. As there is five horses in every Truck I send two men with each. At half Past four the Three Trucks retu[rn]
-ed together. I thought to have mead two trips with the two Sent first But they were Deter--mined to make but the one and therfore Stayd Latur than usual. Mr. Cotrell broke Exe[l]
-tree [axletree] of his Cart above three miles from th[is].
Came back and got an other and Unloaded at the other Side and was here as Soon as them that went off at Seven in the Morning.
The fourth Truck came back at Seven oClock. We had a horse of Morten’s employd this day [this line stroked out in manuscript]
18 October 1778
The man I Sent the 14th to St. Josephs Arrived this
Evening and brought me a letter from Mr. Shevallier
the Contents of which is as follows: St. Josephs 16th Octr. 78
The Guard as Yus. tonight. C:S: Masonvill. Sir Manney reasons wou’d engage one to come According to your Polite invitation in So much as to have the honor to Speake to his Exelencey the Governor, And to answer Verbatimly Your Obliging letter. Should I go that Jaunt it wou’d be more Service to myself than to the Government. I Prefer the Interest of the State to my own Property. I want to Reconcill myself in the Confidinse of the Governor But the Venom’d and Perjured Tongue has ende--voured to lessen me in his esteem. I will hower [however] endevour to gaine his Confidence more By my beheavour than I could by Speaking to him. And if I thought it was Very Necess -ary to Stay and Guard this Post I would. I am transport [tic] myself to where you are and
18 October 1778
Not withstanding that I am but a Single Person here I can be informed of every thing and then informe others. If the Governor Should think it Necessary that I Should abandon this Place for a few days, I am ready to Condesend to go. I had the honor of Receiving a letter from him and had the Pleasure of answering it by the Same Chief that brought me his and in whome he Places Confidences. To answer your intent I will tell you that two Indians Sent by the Governor has gon to discharge themselves of their Embassy in a worthy manner, tho almost with out any Effect, as there is but Six determin’d to Join you.
In [illegible] truth abut them that harkens to what there Father or I say. They Arrived here when the others wase gon to there Wintering Ground. There fear of the Rebells mead them departe Very Precipitantly. There Terror is in Comon with the Traders of the Post who ran into the land to Secure there Inter--est and of course deserted the Service.
18-19 October 1778
By my Instigation the Cutt nose is gon amongest them
to rise a Party, but Cannot Promise he will be Succe-
-ssfulle. Nothing Certen concerning the establishment of Rebells at
Manijnoc, based near Shicagoe. I had the same report
from Some of the Savages. And I will endevour to come
at the truth and aquaint you theroff. They have
assured me there was Some at ope [aupost?] Fort. The Ball
you are Preparing for the Rebells fills me with
Satisfaction. But would be more So if I
was Present at the Dance. Permitt me at lest to wish
Conservation for his Majestys Loyal Subjects-
and in Particular for him who I have the honor to be his Most Obdient Humble Servt.
At Seven this morning Sent off 5 Perogues with whome went Messers. Wiggens, Cottrell 8c La Fontain with a Horse each. I ordered Mr.Gowen to go along with the Trucks this day in order to make two Trips which the first two might have don Yesterday. And one St.Marrie being the cause of that Neglect loses his pay for that day.
Mr. Gowen has only 6 horses employd this morning
& Baubian one. At half Past Twelve the
first two Trucks that went over this morning arrived,
Gave a little feed to there horses and Sett off again-
Two of the Kings horses being tired wase Replaced by two of Mr. Gowens. At one oClock I received the following Billet from Mr. Baubin. Sir if you had any thing to Say to the Shawanoes that arrived Yesterday I will bring them into the Fort that you may Speak to them & it Seems they came to see the nation here and to here what wase to be Said to them from the Governor.
I belived they intended to go away Soon. I am Sir C: Baubin
To which I Sent the following Answer:
Sir Camp at Miamie landing 19th Octr. 78
As I have nothing Particular to tell them I have two Reasons to Prevent me from Seing them.
The first is that I have no Instructions Concern--ing the Indians and my next that I have noth--ing to give them. But I hope You will aquaint
19 October 1778
that the Governor is daily Expected and that Captain Maghie is gon to Assemble their Nation and let them know the Governors intentions and Sentiments. I am Sir Your Huble Servt.
To Mr. Baubin
This morning Sent to bring two Perogues from the Town one belonging to Mr. Adhimer57 200 lb. and the other to Property of Mr. [blank space] Vallued at 100 lb.
In Place of geting ten Perogues over this day as I expected 1 only got nine owing to the misman--agement and Negligence of Mr. Gowen. For had he Atended the Busness of the Carying Place Properly all our Perogues would have been over this day. But as he is not ac[cu]stomed to obey orders or execute any Busness briskly we have Six Yet to Pass over. Three of our Trucks arrived at Six oClock the other two Stayd at the other Side. Guard as last night. C:S: Grant.
57. St. Martin Adhemar, one of the commissaries for the Indians.
20 October 1778
October 20th 78-
Some of our horses and Part of the harnish being left at the other Side yesterday through Neglect and Laisiness of the Carters, and carelesness of Mr. Gowen, obligd me to Send Mr. De Kaint the following
note- Camp at Miamie landing 20th Octr. 78
As I Plainly See the People are Negligent in Carrying on the Service by leaving Part of their Horses and harnish at your Side You are Orderd
not to Permitt any Such thing for the future-
To I am Sir Your Huble Servt.
Lieut. De Kaint Normd MacLeod
Finding I could not get my Boat over this morning
owing Chiefly to Part of the mess being left the other
Side Yesterday and likewise breaking Two Trucks
I Sent over my little Bagage with Messrs. Gaffie
and Shefflins, with a Keg of Ball I took from Rush
de baut belonging to Mr. Adhemar. At three oClock
the Truck first Sent off this morning arrived & Sent it
off directly again with my Boat, which is the last of my escorft].
The Carts and Trucks Arrived here from the other side Before Sun Sett except the last which Carried the Boat.
I was obliged to make Ainslie leave his worke this Day and Send him with five men to repair the road.
Not with Standing Lieut, de Kaint and Party had
orders to repaire it the 16th when he went to the other Side
and Mr. Gowen with five men the 18th. But both
Indolent and thought nothing of the worke they
were Sent about-The Guard as usual. C:S: Burnett.
This morning Sent Mr. Gaffie to the town to draw Provisions for Forty seven men, officers and Volunteers included.
I Order’d Mr.Gaffie to deliver Mr. Lorain a Perogue of his that wase taken here the Seventeeth and Vallued at 250 lb. But on Mr. Gowen aquainting me that it wase tou wake and Could not be Carried over I orderd it to be returnd him. Left eight men with Mr.
Gowen two of which is Voluntiers, gave leave to Montrea to go to the Town as he cutt his foot Yester day which rendered him uncapable of working. Ainslie and Bogard making long wagons. Deneson left with them to make Trucks. Eight Detroit men to Cutt wood
22-23 October 1778
[There is no heading for 22 October in the manuscript. ]
Arrived here with one Indian woman & four horses from the River angie. He has been at the Wia Since Foushic 8c St. Marrie Came away. He Confirms what they Said in regard to the number of the Virginians. But Says they had Spaniards as well as french Amongest them. At Seven orderd two
Centrys 8c to be relived every two hours till day light-
About Seven oClock Mr. Dubois loaded his four horses But befor his departure he bought Lieut, de Kaints horse for one hundred 8c fifty Pounds Tobacco Payable nixt Spring at the Miamie town. After he had finished this bargin, he asked if I had any Commands for him I disired him if incase he Saw the Governor give him my Compliments. He Answered, and Said he came Purposely to See him and to go along with. On which he wishd me a good morning and Sett off. Immediately after his departure Sent young Moran58 to Town to know the Reason whey the five Voluntiers did not come yesterday according to my order to Mr Bauben and he telling me in his own house that he Sent them yester day morning before my arrival there.
58. A member of the Charles Moran family of Detroit.
23 October 1778
At four oClock Morran Returnd and brought me the following letter From Mr. Baubin: Miamie 23th Octr. 78 Sir
You shall know that the five Voluntiers that wase to go to the other Side the Carrying Place is Deserted. After inquring of every Person what Road they went a Woman told me She Saw them at ten oClock yesterday morning on the Shawanoe Road.
I order’d Mr. Bourbon St. Marrie to carry you my Report and he Sent to tell me that he wase not made for that use and that I might Carry it myself. And that is the reason you had not Word
Sooner. I wait your Order on that Subject-
I am with all Possible Attentin
Your most Huble Servt.
On Receiving this I Sent a man with the following
Answer-Camp at the Little River 23d Octr. 78-
Sir I am very much Surprisd you did not employ Indians to go immediattly after the Diserters, or at lest aquaint me Soonner-
23-24 October 1778
But as I expect the Governor is arrived before this reaches you, I hope you will aquaint him there with. But incase he Should not be arrived You will write him Immediately. And at the Same time get aparty of Indians to go after them with orders to take them Dead or alive. I am Confiden[t] the Governor will be well Pleas’d if they are taken and So will he Who is, Sir your Very Huble Servt.
To Mr. Baubin Normd MacLeod At six oClock mounted a guard of Six men, two Centrys during the night. C:S: Abbott.
At Seven oClock this morning I sent Messers. Gaffie
and Shefflen with two men to draw Provisions
for fortyone men differently employd. I desird
him to wait on the Governor if he wase Arrived
and ask him how manney days he Should dra[w]
for and make him a Report of our number, 8c
how they were Employ it [employed]. He came bake at Six
and told me the Governor wase arrived. And he
Desird him to draw for as manney days as he Pleasd-
Received two letters from Mrs. MacLeod one 4th the other dated the 15th-
At nine oClock this morning I left the Camp at Little River in order to go and See the Governor, and make him a Report of all my Transactions Since my departure from Detroit. And having no written order from him when I came away I was afraid that a blind Zeal for the Service might Perhaps induce me to do things wrong. When I cam to the eight men I left Cutting wood the 21th I found they had about one & a half Chord cutt on which I told them that I would aquaint the Governor of their behavour and hoped he would Punish them for their Idleness.
On my Arrival at the Town the Governor & Messrs.
Hay, Davernett and Doctor McBeath59 was at the Packans house and on my entering he received me 59. Lt. Henry Du Vernet, a Regular Army officer of the King’s Regiment; Surgeon McBeth, the expedition’s medical officer.
Very kindly and was obliging enough to thank me for
my Beheavour Since my departure from Detroit.-
On which I told him if I had the good luck to have don my
Duty So as to Please him I was myself Very Satisfyd-
After which he and major Hay askd me to dinner.
I Stayd all night in his Camp and Sleepd with Capt.
Masonvill. He was Captain of the Day and went three Rounds during the night. Lieut. Shabear60 who sleepd with us went this day on Visiting Round at four oClock.
I left the Camp at eight this morning and took two men of Captain Masonvills Company with me to Carry four Spades to the end of the Portage when I dismissed them, and Order’d a Serjeant of Lieut San--combs61 Detachment to take Six of the wood Cutters with two Spades, two Axes and go and repair the road.
I then marchd on and arrived at my Camp at the Little River62 at one oClock. The Guard this night as usual, two Centrys. C:S: take care-
Ainslie, Bogard & Dennison arrived here at Six to repare the Perogues.
60. Lt. Francois Joncaire Chabert, Detroit Volunteer 62. Petite Riviere, also known as the Little Wabash
Militia. Also Shabert. River, is located at the far terminus of the portage and
61. Lt. Pierre St. Cosme, Detroit Volunteer Militia. Also is a tributary of the Wabash River.
I Sent Lieut, de Kaint and four men in a Perogue at Seven oClock this morning to Cutt the branches on Each Side the River, and fallen trees or logs if there be any in Order to have the Boats Pass with more eas[e].
I Likewise Sent Mr. Gaffie with two men to Town
to draw Provisions which Comences to morrow-
At Twelve oClock Seing no Boats Arrive from the other
Side I wrote the following letter to major Hay-
Sir Camp at little River 27th Octr. 78
You’ll Please to remember that I told you, that I thought it Necessary to have an Active officer at the landing to See that Mr. Gowin did his duty. He had twenty three Horses and Six Oxen idle yesterday with whome he might have Pass’d five Boats. What he intends doing this day I cannot Say. I left Lieut. St. Come and Party there to guard the Stores and Boats, with Orders to Join me the moment an other officer arrive[s] from your Camp. I have Sent Lieut, de Kaint this Morning to Clear the little River. And St. Come gos to
Morrow if he Arrives this night-Bogard tells me
that you have a young man who has been in Mr.McGregors
Vessell, that he is a good Caulker. I wish you wou’d send
him to assist here-1 am Sir
Your most Huble Servt.
To Major Hay Normd MacLeod At three oClock I recceved the following letter from Mr. Adhmar: Sir By order of Major Hay I Send you a Pair of Oxen to be Distributed amongest your men
in Place of Pork when their Provisions becomes due-
I wish you Good health and to Mr. Gaffie I am Sir Your Huble Servt.
Adhemar St. Martin
Immediately after I wrote Lieut. Devernett the following Letter: Camp at Little River 27th Octr. 78
Permitt me to give you a hint, that I think it is Necessary to keep a tight hand over Mr.
Gowen. I expected he would have Passed three Boats Yesterday and three this day having no less than thirty five, or thirty six horses to worke. But he has Employ’d no more than twelve. Till your Arrival I would be glad you woud Spare Lieut. St. Come & Party as I have but ten men here, and I want to send
him with Some men to Cleare the little River and the Covert way. Major Hay Send me a Pair of Oxen and Adhemar Says in his letter that they are to be given to the People I had here and your end of the Portage. I woud be glad to know from you if a Pice of Beef woud be ofensive at twelve or one oClock to Morrow. You have Six trucks and two long waggons and I imagin you can Send eight Boats over to morrow. I am with Complimints to C: Lieut.
Schuffelen Sir Your most Huble Servt.
Lieut. Devernett Normd MacLeod
Gave leave to Lieut, de Kaint to go to Town to see his Brothers. Messers. Shufflin and Gaffie went along with him. Killd an ox this Morning & Issued three Days Provisions to thirty Seven men. The Detachment Lieut. St. Come March here at 12 oClock are incluedd.
I Recieved the following Billet from Major Hay:
Dear Sir Captn. Masonville leaves this in an Hour hence for the Carrying Place who I hope will forward things Very Differently from what they have been.
I am Your Huble Servt. Jehu Hay
28 October 1778
About two oClock I received an other from Lieut.
Divernet- Camp au Pied Froide Octr. 28-
By favor of Mr. St. Come I am to acknowledge Your Favor, I am much obligd to you for the relative to Gowen and will take the Precautions Necessary.
Captain Masonville I expect this day, & my Stay I
am in hopes will not be many Hours more-So that
the Beef you mention will hardly be worth while to Send, as we Shall Join you Soon I am Sir
with Mr. Schuffelins Compliments-
Your most Huble Servt.
Henry Du Vernet
P.S. I have orderd one of my men to make all repaires Possible to Mr. Gowins Carts and intend leaving
him on this Side to follow his Directions-
Being reinforced with St. Come and party mountd a guard of an Serjeant, one Corporal & nine men. C:S: Montreal.
At half Past Six Lieut. Duvernet and Schuffelen Arrived with their Detachments And mountd a Guard Each of one Corporal and Six men. I gave them the Counter sign and orderd thier men to Camp on the
Left of ours-
Sent Lieut. St. Come with five men in a Perogue
down the Little River with Bilhooks, Axes & Spades
for two days to Cutt the branges [branches] and trees, Such as
might Stope the Boats on our away down-
At one oClock the Governor arrived, at three he ordred
Lieuts. Duvernet and Shuffelin with thirty two
men to take the Artillery Stores and as much Proviss
-ions as would load Seven Perogues and Proceed to the
Wabash and there Encamp till further orders
or till he himself arrived there. He went himself
in a light Perogue to See of there was Water
Enough for the Gun Boat. Before he Embarkd
I askd him the Counter Sign for the night
which is Beaufort. The Loading was Comple-
-ated and Sett off at four oClock. The Loading Consisted
of the Following articles, viz. 200 Flour, 16 B: Pork, 18
Ferkins Butter, with orders to Join Leut. St. Come at the
Camin Couvert & Make the best of his way to the Fork of
the Awabashe,63 there to remain to further Orders.
63. The Wabash River. Also Owabachie.
30 October-1 November 1778
Order, Octr. 30th 78 Watchword Philadelphia Lieut. De Quandre to Proceed directly with 7 Perogues loaded with 145 lb. Flour and 16 Barrels Pease and join Lieut. Du-
-Vernet. Taking 1 Serjeant and 14 men with him-
-Orders Octr. 31th Watchword: Egmont
Orders November 1st 78 Watchword Sterling The detachment of the Kings Regiment to be in readyness to Embark in an hour hence which time as allowed to Cook the Kettles. The Ottawas and Chippoweys will be warned for the Same time. Any person Sent down the Petite Riviere by Major Hay will be Challenged by the out Sentries and must be furnishd with a counter sign agreed upon by the Lt. Governor and Major Hay before the
detachment leaves the Beaver Dame [dam]-
when the Miamis with the last boats are past the beaver Dame, the Officer who commands will tak Particular care to keep the boats together that in case any Accident they may assist each other. The boats painters are Strong enough to remove any logs that may lye across the river.
1 November 1778
Received these orders at ten and at 12 Embarkd. The Governor, myself, Messers. Belfrey, Gaffie young— Shuffelin, 2 Serjeants and the detachment of the Kings Consisting 24 Private with Six of the Detroit Voluntiers. Major Hay came along with us to the Beaver dame 3 miles from our Camp. The night the Governor had been here he darned upe the water and left one Serjeant and three men to guard it with one Boat and one Perogue both loaded. Upon our arrival there the dame was let open and we went through. Major Hay Stayd ther to See it made up again and we proceeded through the Camain Couvert, a nerrow little gut full of willows almost meeting over your head and scarce the length of a boat without a Point which makes it very Serpintain. After geting through you get into a quagmire wher you can Scarce observe anything of a River and the Stream barly Percievable. About Sun Sett we encamped 6 miles below the Cumen Couvert laying our Boats a cross a River to rise the water-
2-5 November 1778
2d Octr. [sic. ] 78
As the dame keepd the water up we could get any farther the Indians having an intention to go by land to the Little Owabashe or opeid Roches.64 the Governor Orderd a Corporal and 5 men of the Kings to embark in their boat with orders to cutt all the trees and logs in the river or about that would obstruck the boats on there way down and after they had don to Put themselves Under the Comma--nd of Lieut. Du Vernet. After they were gon all the men off Guard was employd in Darning up the River to have the Greater quainted [quantity] of water when Major Hay opened his above and come down: C:S: this night Amherst.
Orders November 3d Watchword Awabache All this day was employd in making the dame. The Guard as usual. Major Hay arrived with the last division.
November 4 Watchword Bergoyen This morning Major Hay with Captain Masonvill and Twenty men went to the River Langloy in order to make a dame there. And as ours was finished the men had leave to Rest themselves. November 5th Watchword Howe This morning at Seven oClock we began to open our dam and at nine got all the Boats through when we embarkd and arrived at the River Langloy at three where we found
64. Little Owabashe is the Little Wabash River, but the identity of opeid Roches is uncertain. It may be Petit Rocher, a rocky point in the vicinity of Rocher de Bout.
5-9 November 1778
Major Hay and Party had made a dame which reased the
Water Six feet here. We Encamped with him all night-
this is the day the above happened. November 6th Watchword Carleton
November 7th Watchword Boulogne This morning embarkd at Seven and arrived at Twelve oClock, made a little halt then Proceeded and enterd the Shallow Country where the water was Very Shallow and the River full of large Stons and Rocks. Every man was in the water draging till Seven in the evening whene we was obligd to Encamp, hardly two Boats together and the men so fatigued
that they were Scarce able to mount guard-
November 8th Watchword Danvers This morning we began to drag the Boats after taking half the loading out and with dificulty arrived at the Petite Roche at ten tho not above a mile from us in the Morning whene we Sett off. Captain Lamothe65 with about Twelve Boats Could not get forward till every ounce of the loading was taken out. After this was don we Encamped.
Order Camp below the Forks of the Owabash, Wd. Owiat.66 Eight Perogues with 90 men to go up to the Petit Roche tomorrow to bring down Provisions. Three Subalterns for this Duty
65. Capt. William La Mothe of the Indian Dept, and the 76 militia. He led a large contingent of English and French
in the campaign.
66. Possibly Great Ouiat, another name for Ouiatenon.
9-11 November 1778
the Batteaus to be hauld up that the carpenters may set about their repair immediately-
Order November 10th Watchword George Three Perogues to be Sent off to morrow morning early to bring down the remander of the Provisions from the Petit Roches.
Order November 11th Watchword Charlotte All the Powder and the ball Catridges which the Several divisions may have in Store to be given in charge of the Artillery Directly. Should to morrow Prove fair each division will fire 3 rounds Per man at a mark Set on the opposite Shore for each division. The Officers will attend and direct the immidi--ate repair of any of the Arms which may be found out of order.
After the Camp is changed this day any damaged cartredges to be given in to the Artillery and the men to be compleated with fresh ones. The officers to assemble for the future at 3 in the afternoon at Major Hays tent to recive the orders.
Those of the Indian department will attend at the Same time.
We continued repairing the Boats and Perogues till this afternoon. The 19 horses that came from the Miamis, the eight was employed in carrying Flour to the Le Rapanehia to make the Boats go light as the water is Very Shallow on this Side, the distance being for [four] Leagues. At four in the afternoo[n] received orders to have every thing in readiness to Embark early in the morning.
Novr. the 14th
Embarked at twelve oClock in the following order,
Governor in the front followed by the first division of the Voluntiers Commanded by Captain Lamothe,
Next Captain Masonvill and Company. Serjeant Parkison and the first division of the Kings Regt. followed by Lieut. Duvernett with the Gun Boat and two Perogues of Artillery Stores Serjt. Chapman and the Second division of the Kings, after which I followed with my Company. And Lieut. Shuffelin with the Second division of Voluntiers Composed the Rear Guard. And major Hay took his Station in the Rear of this Division-
The Rifts having Very little water in them we was obligd to drag and the Gun Boat being much heaveyer than any of the other Boats Ocationd the men belon--ing to it, to be almost continually in the water which was Very cold acompanied with a hard northwestwind obliged the men to make many halts in order to warme them. This Ocation’d a long rear. And After going about four miles encampd. We had about half the Troops with us. And the other half that went forward encamped in three differant Camps or bodys.
Embark early in the Morning and Arrived at the Governors camp at Lerabpancher.67 About two in the afternoo[n] we encamped with him and those that came along with him. And Orders was given to have Such of the Boats as was two Leaky to be immediately Repaird. Watch word this night St. Thomas- 67. L’erable penchee, the sloping maple, a landmark below the forks of the Wabash River.
November the 16th
At day light Mr. Francios Masonvill as Boat Mr. [master] Visited all the Boats and Perogues and regulated the Loading. Acordingly we had an adition of 14000 lb. of Flour to take in here that the horses took or carryd from the forks of the Owabachie. We had very little Draging this day. Encamped three miles below the River Salomonie68 17th
Embarked at day break in the usual order and Encamped about four oClock three miles above the River Massionnisie.69 Very Strong rapeds this two day and the Boats much in danger of being Broken-
Embarked at daylight in the usual order. At three in the afternoon we met three Potawatamis from the Village of River Angie with whome we made a little halt. The Governor Sent Messers. Elliot and Lacell70 along with them to acquaint
68. The first important tributary below the forks of the Wabash River.
69. The Mississinewa River, a tributary of the Wabash 80 located below the forks.
70. Matthew Elliott was one of the principal intermediaries between Hamilton and the pro-British Indian leaders. Lacell is probably Nicholas Lasselle, storekeeper for Hamilton’s militia.
18-19 November 1778 the Chiefs of the Villiage to come and Speak with him to morrow at Arbere Mallachi, Affter they departed we Proceeded our Rout. And Arrived at the Foot of the Raped de Calumet71 at five oClock where we Encamped.
At nine oClock this morning the Indians from the Village arrived Consisting of Potawatamis,
Miamis and Kecabuse72 about forty in number and one Mr. Du bois at their head. They formed on the tope of the hill above our camp and Saluted in their usual manner. Our Troops was under arms and their Silute was Answered by three Guns. After this the Troops was ordered to fire three rounds each man at Targets in Presence of the Indians. And the Indians was Very will Pleasd at their Performance. At the Same time Mr. Duvernett fired three round Shott at a mark & one Canister, which Pleasd the Indians mightily.
71. Part of the Calumet River which drains from an area south of Chicago.
72. Kickapoo Indians, spelled Quiquaboes by the French.
This being over they were Saluted by Shaking of hands which being don a Councell was formd, with all the officers Present and the Chiefs belonging to the differe--nt nations that is along with us. The governor told them that he was glad to See Such a fine day for them to met and give their hand to their Strong Bretheren. He then adressed himself to those from the Village and Said that he told them last year at Detroit whenever the Enemy of the King entered their ground that he would com and assist them and drive the enemy out of their Country, that he now heard the Rebells had Come into their Country So fare a[s] Owia, And according to his Promis he was come with those of his Child -ren now Present and was determined to open the [way] for them through the whole Country and that he
Expected they would help to do it themselves-
To which they answered that they were more ignorant than their Bretherin that was along with ther father,
19 November 1778
[th]at he was Senceable him self and made them So, for there Part they lived remote in the woods and had fewe white-men comming amongest them to learn them anything.
They said that the English, French and Spainards was
all Senceable-But that the long knives were fools. But
however they did not come in order to go to war but in a friendly manner to com and See him and his men, and that after he would open the road they would follow him.
The Governor then got up and Said he did not come to Stell [steal]
their young men But Such of them as he gave the
Ax to last year to return it of [if] they did not chouse to
follow him, that he had men enough to Clear the count-
-ry of the Rebells now along with him, that the Stream
was now in his favour and he would clear the road by
Land. On which he wished them a good day 8c departed.
Some time after this 22 of them came and got there Equipment and encamped with us in order to go a long with-
November 20th 78
At nine oClock a Councell with all the Cheifs and those from the Village Angie Present. And on hearing the Governor Speak in much the Same manner as Yesterday and lik -wise being afraid of the Ottawas they Said the Chief that Spock Yesterday had Said every thing without consulting them. And that both he and them now Saw that he Spoke Wrong but their eyes were now oppend and they would act with the rest of their Bretherin and ende--vour as much as any of them to keep the rebells out of
their Country-Major Hay and Captain Maghie went
to the Village and on their Arrival and giving Such an agreeable account of it the Governor went a little after their arrival by which we had a resting day-
Embarked this morning at 8 oClock in our usual way But the water being so Very low and full of Rocks &
Large Stons that with dihculty one half of our army arrived at 4 oClock within a mile of the Great rapid. The Govr. and Captain Lamothes division got as fare as the foot of the Rapid. But Masonvills Company and Part of the 8th was obligd to leave their Boats & Perogues almost in
21-24 November 1778 the middle of the River, bring there Necessaryes on Shore and encamp at a Great distance from them. My company Being near the rear of the Army was at the distance of a mile from the Rapid where we Encamped by the direction
of Major Hay-All the Indians Boats and Cannoes
Being light went on to the Governors camp at the foot of the Rapid. The greatest Part of the Indians went by land in order to hunt for themselves and those that went by water.
We embarked at eight oClock and with a great dalle of hard
Labour arrived at the foot of the Rapid at two oClock-
Some time after wards hauled up some Boats that was tou leakie and had them repaird-
This day we could not Proceed on our Voage till the Carpenters had finished the Boats and Perogues they had to repair-
Embarked at 12 oClock the Sick only excepted who
was ordered to go by land in order to lighten the Boats. Passed
Some Rapids this day where the men was much
Fatigued with draging, the water very cold and
[ice?] cutting thier legs. About half amile of the
River was entirely closed up by the ice and was obliged to cut our way through, But keepd us So late that it was dark night before we encamped about half amile above the Rapid of Petie roche73-
We embarked this morning at eight oClock, Passed the Cut Island at 12 where the water was So Shallow that all hands was draging even Major Hay, which happened to be the Second time Since we left the Miamis. We encamped this Evening at 4 oClock nere the foot of the Cut Island Rapid and was Saluted on our landing by a few Miamis Indians, after which they waited on the Governor and three of their young men intends going along with us to morrow morning-
This morning embarked as usual at eight, met with Several Shoal and a Great dale of ice in So much that we had dificulty in landing when we wanted to make fires to warme the men. After Passing the Rapids at 4 oClock we encamped below Gorlick Island.74-
73. Riviere de Petit Rocher, a tributary of the Wabash below the Eel River.
74. The Isle of Garlic (l’lsle a I’Ail), located four miles 86 from present-day Delphi, Indiana.
27 November 1778
Embarked at eight as usual, met with Great fields of ice this day But Pretty good water. So that we made use of our Oars only in two Rapids where most of the men was obligd to drag especially those in Boats because they draw more water than the Perogues, besides this the channels in the River are as if cutt Purposely for no other
Craft than Perogues. We arrived at K [one or two words illegible] at 4 oClock called [sic; camped?]
10 miles from Weatono.75 Just as our tents were Pitched five Savages
from that Plase Arrived in camp, who aquainted us that there was
no less than 200 of their nation ready to Joins us the moment we arrived
at the above Place. They further told us that the Rebels had abandoned
Au Post. How true this is alittle more time will discover. But it agrees
with my own opinion for I never once thought they would make a Stand
either there or at the Illinois with So numbers especially on hearing that
the Lieut. Govr. was comming who they know had all the Indians ready at
[hi]s call- 75. A possible variant of Ouiatenon.
28 November 1778
We did not embark this morning be fore nine oClock because Major Hay with all the Indian Chiefs and interpreters went
off before us to take Possion [possession] of the Fort of Owia. A Very od Circum -Stance that this Place has been twice taken in the Space of
two months without the firing of a Gun-The Governor halted
at the Pans to Speak with some Wiatono Indians that was there at thier winter hunt. We all arrived nare the Fort about 4 oClock where we encamped. Alittle after the Camp was formed Mr.
Chapoton76 of Detroit arrived and waited on the Governor.
But what Passed there on in the fort with major has not come to my knowledge. Everything Seems to be carried on with great Secrcay [secrecy] not with Standing that every Batteauman or ingatie [?] we meet is well aquainted with every Surcumstance Concerning the Rebels both at Au Post and Ilinois- 76. Jean Baptiste Chapoton, a Detroit trader who apparently also operated at Ouiatenon.
29-30 November 1778
We had a rest day this day. The 6 pounder was fired at ten oClock to Salute the Indians. About that time Chapoton came to camp and waited on the Governor and the Governor Seemed to be very angry with him for going to the Ilinois because he had only liberty to go to aupost.
If there was any thing els against him we did not know it and
therfore was Sorry for his il tretment-Some of the officers and men
having obtained leave to go to the Fort in order to buy some things
was informed that major Hay had ordered them, the People there, the Preceeding day,
not to Sell anything to either officer or Soldier, and besides Said he
took an inventory of every Sort of goods. They had Liquor [use and dry goods; reading uncertain].
This being St. Andrews day77 I asked all the Officer to dinner. The Governor and Major Hay would not dine with us upon account of Chapoton being asked and in Company. All the Divisions fired at Targets Seperately this day and the Governor Seem’d to be very well Pleased at the f[iring.] At 4 in the Afternoon Some of the
77. Saint Andrew’s Day is Scotland’s national holiday.
30 November-1 December 1778
Indians of this Place who had been a hunting and Sent for by the Governor Arrived and was Saluted with a gun. After dinner we Spen’d the day in Great Chearfullness and mirth-
December 1st 78
At ten oClock this Morning the Governor assembled the Owiatans Indian[s]
And the Kicabuse together in Councell, where they own that he
had given them the Ax at Detroit in behalf of their Great father
the King, But that maters were not explained to them Properly by
the Interpreters. They however owned that they did not act with
that Spirit they ought to have don, on the Arrival of the Virginians
And therfore returned the Ax to the Governor and begd him to Sharpend it
for them. This Ceremony being over, Mitisagie78 Gave them two belts
which he had received from the Six Nations, Desiring the Kicabus[e]
and Owiatonos to Act like men for the General cause with the
Rest of thier Breetheren and Strick hard with the Ax they had
Recieved from thier father the King, and not Permitt any of his Rebellioufs] 78. Methusaagai, A Chippewa chief.
1 -2 December 1778
Children Put a foot on their Lands. The Second Belt was from the Women of the Six Nations to the Kicabus and Wiatono women beg--ing they would not be Idle But the one vey [vie] with the other in industry by riasing Plenty of corn whilst there husbands and
Relations was at War-After the Counsell was over twenty
two of the Wiatonos waited on the Governor to get their Cloathing and other Necessarys to go along with him, the Kicabus followed there example and ten of them entered the lists of warrior[s].
December 2d 78-
The Indians was to be Spoke with this day So that we could not think of going. Besides Egushewa79 and all the other Chiefs had a feast at which the Governor and most of all the officers wase Present. This ended at one oClock. The Divisions then fired at markers. The Governor was well Pleas’d at their firing. At three anoth -er Party of Indians [arr]ived which I Supose will keep us here to morrow-79. An Ottawa chief. Also Egushewai and Agushewai.
November [ric] 3d 78-
There was nothing don this forenoon but Councelling with the
Kicabuse-At two oClock Messers. Wiggins, Dawson, Thompson
and Cottrell came in eight days from the Miamis. In Company with them came three of Captain Lamoths Company and one of mine that was left at the Miami, them of Lamoths from Detroit. They brought a Great many letters for different People in Camp. After thise four Gentlemen deliverd the letters they brought all to the Govr. He Asked them what Company or division they would Chouse to Join, they told he that if he had no objecdons they would Join my Company. And they came immediately and aquainted me there with. I thankd them And I was certainly very happy in geting four Such men- 4th
All this day was Spent waiting for an Indian Cheif called Croocked Legs and his band Consisting of thirty one men But they Arrived So late that the Governor had not time to Speak to them. We was therfore obligd to Stay one night
more in our Disagreeable camp.
5 December 1778
November [sic] 5th 78-
This morning at half after Seven the Indians that arrived yesterday came to Camp. They are of the Oweaton tribe and had about 30 miles to com. This Chief had received a Flag from the Ribels. On Speaking to the Governor he Said that he had given his hand to the long knives and received that Flag from them But that he did not look upon them as their father nor in any other light than their being white men. However he was Very Sorry that he had Spocke to them and much more so for taking there Flag. But he was now ready to give it up to him whome he knew to be the right father and also to [be]
Ready to go along with him with Seven of his People.
After this was over And their Cloathing given them five Guns was Ordered to be fired. And tent to be Struck. Mr. Chapton was deliverd the Packet of letters for Detroit, and we Embarkd. [And enjcamped Nine Miles from Oweat-
6-7 December 1778
This morning embarked as usual at Seven oClock and at four in the afternoon Arrived at the Rejoicing fields where we encampd. The Indians encampd Pretty near us this night for the first time.
The embarkation this morning as usual. Drissling rain all
this Morning. At one oClock Arrived at the River Vermillion,80 on
the north Side of which Stands a Very Pretty Indian Village.
But all the People belonging to it is at the Highlands at their winter hunting. Game of al Sorts is Very Plenty in this Country, the Deer in aboundance [iillegible] across the River, and Many large flocks of Turkeys and horn Pheasants. At three oClock we Arrived at our encamping Ground Six miles below the River Vermillion. The People was very wet at landing as it had raind most Part of the day, and Continued till 12 at night. The men lay very bad as the Ground was mudy & wet.
80. A tributary of the Wabash, flowing from the northwest in the Kickapoo Indian area.
8 December 1778
It began to Snow at one oClock and at three began to Freese very
hard. We were obligd to make fires in the Tents in order to thaw
them before we embarked which was not be fore ten oClock. The
Boats was ordered to be Six, five or four a breast According to
the number in the division. The Chiefs of all the different nation[s]
waited on the Governor and begd that he would only go only about Six or
Seven miles before we would encamp. We accordingly encampd at [blank space].
The Indians after they encamped Prepared their Mediciens and at
night began to dance, Sing and Conjure according to their custome.
The Pottawatamis, Chippiwas, Miamis and Kikapuse is much noticed fore this custome. The Hurons and Shawanous does not give much Credit to thise Antiant [ancient] Ceremonys. Notwith Standing the others holds it in Great esteem, where they began to discover what thier manitou81 had told them, the Chief Manitoe was a turtle, and it Seems Said that the Governor was to be killd and almost all the English.
Isidore Shane82 was to b[e tak]en Prisoner and a few of the French kill’d-
But [the Indians?] was not to Sufer much-
[The last line is badly damaged.]
81. A manitou was a spirit or deity.
82. Probably Capt. Isidore Chesne of the Indian Dept., an interpreter for Hamilton.
9 December 1778
[deer.] the 9th 78-
This morning at eight oClock embarked in the Same order as yester -day and Passed the little Vermillion R.83 or as the Frenchmen call it the Yallow Vermillion about one oClock. As the Indians was firing at large flocks that was flying across the River, a ball Struck the Shawanou Cheif as he was Sitting in Captain Maghees Boat and Carryd away his Eye after which it went through the mans coat Sleeve that was Sitting nixt him and then Passed by Mr. Elliots
Nose. The Doctor was immediately called to dress him-
we came about 27 miles this day and encampd at [blank space],
The last night being very windy acompanyd some time with rain
and Sometimes Snow Prevented our embarking till one oClocke-
The Indian Cheifs came and Spoke to the Governor before we embarked, Said they were very Sorry for the Accident that happend to one of there Brothers yesterday, and that for the future they would not Permit any of [their] Young men to fire at any Game in the River. We came about 9 miles before we encampd.
[Both entries on this page are clearly dated the ninth.]
83. The Little Vermillion River drains into the Wabash at a point south of the Vermillion River.
This morning embarkd at nine oClock and at 2 landed in order to refresh the men. But befor we had time to make fires two Indians came to camp. They were Something Surprisd to See So many boats and Perogues and I belive So many men. They Said their Cabines was a days march from the River. They could not give any account of the Rebels farther than that they heard they gave the Indians at the Ilinois and Auport as much Rum as they could drink. Talking to them two take up Some time, and therfor it was thought Necessary to order the People to encamp, clean their Arms and have them will Hinted as was only 15 miles from the hight land the Place the Indian Congurers Said we was to be attack’d at-
This morning the men was called under Arms to have their Arms examind and have the orders of the day read them. The orders was So far-Necessary and Good, that Part that related to the manner of the landing. But to order a Parcell of Millitia to Charge the Enemy with Indian knives in Place of Bay[onets in a] Country full of Brush and underwood,
11 December 1778 is to me Something St[range] from an Officer of Governor Hamiltons knowledge and experriance. After the order was read to the men and Grummets afixed to their Oars we embarkd. The Indians all Painted blak this morning as they made Sure of being attacked this day at the Highland, but on our Arrival their how Pleasd they Seemd to be when
they found no Virginians there, a People they are much afraid of-
Six miles below this we was Saluted by 30 Pesians who drew up on the Shore and fired Pretty regular and at intervals beating a Drum much like Military beatings. We all Put to Shore. The Governor landed and took them all by the hand. A little below this Mr. Gamlins84 is close to the River bank. Major Hay land then and took Mr. Gamlin along with him in his boat, I Supose to give all the information he Could to the Governor. At four oClock we encamped 2 miles below Gamlins and a little after Gamblin Arrived with the 30 Indians that had Saluted us. After they were Seated the Chief began as 84. Lt. Medard Gamelin, Detroit Volunteer Militia. Also Gamblin.
11 December 1778 follows: Father I am Sorry you had So much truble to com So fare for Seven men for ther is no more at the Auport. It is true Said he there was 20 Passd this [way] and was at oweat. We might have taken thim Presonor, I now wish we had. But as the father we had a little time at the auport left us and hering no news of his coming again made us think that things had not goon well with our Great father the King.
The long knives made us a Great many fine Promisses and Said they would drive all the Kings troops and friends out of the Country and that if the Indians did not keep themselves quite they would drive them from off thier lands. Also that they expected a Great many Troops to follow them and that they would open the road to Detroit and every other Part of the Country. But I find Said he that they are lyers and cannot do any thing they Said, and therfor I and [am] ready to go along with you. And father you and I only are able to take the Aupost. The Governor Said he would answer them in the morning. Mr Gamlin was introduced to the Governor by Major Hay but he [Seemd to] recieve in very cooly and never askd him any questions.
11 December 1778
But I am enformed [tha]t he told Mr. Belfry that there were no more than Seven of the Virginian Rebels at Auport and fifty Frenchmen they enlisted there and Payd at the rate of eight Dollars Per month. They have three Enterpreters to whom they Pay three Dollars Per day. The whole of these Vagabonds are Commanded by one Captain Helm85 and [an] old Pack horse man, he Speaks two or three Indian Languages well and is Cliver in his Speeches to them, in short he is Said to be Perfectly well aquainted with their Customs. His Lieut, one Williams86 is Said to be a Gentiell Young man and an exelent mark sman. Mr. Gamlin Says that they had once an intention of attacking us at the highland,
But lately Says that they have no Ocation to leave their Garrison to Come So fare to meet us, as he the Captain is Determind to ma[in]taine and keep his Garrison or lose his life. They have two Carriage Guns mounted and in Good Order. But Powder is Very Scarce with them for when 20 men came from the Ilinois to go and take Possion of the Owiat they could find no more than Seven Pounds even to buy at a very dear rate.
85. Capt. Leonard Helm of the American army. Also Helem.
86. Lt. William Williams of the American army.
11 December 1778
They have two Flags, one hoisted, the other is carryd about wherever Captain Helm goes. He is much given to Liquor and is every 12 hours Drunk. He is Some times lockd out of his Gar.rison when he is tow late in town with Major la Gran87 or Some other of their officers. His men are as drunken as him and therfor lock him out. They mount no more than
five men on Guard-He Pays his men and the merchants he buys any
thing from with bills of Exchange on Colonel Clark at the Ilinois-
And he Pays in the Same manner by drawing on an English mercht [merchant] at New Orleans. Mr. Gamlin was offered at Lieutcy. which he declind taking. He had a letter from thence ten days ago in which there is mention made of Some two or three Boats being expected there in a few days with Flour, Liquor and dry goods. 1 forgot to mention that the Youngest brother of the Fouches left the Oweat two days before we arrived there and came this way. He told Mr. Gamlin that the Governor had 500 Indians, 600 whitemen and 5 Pices of Canon along with him but that
87. Probably Maj. Le Gras of the Vincennes militia.
11-12 December 1778 he did not expect he would be able to come farther than the forks of
the Owabash this winter as his Boats was all Frose up there in the
Middle of the River. He had two horses with him when he arrived here
but turnd them loose and Stayd here ten days to make himself a canoe
in which he departed two days before our Arrival here. Mr. Gamlin
Likewise informs us that the Peisans that Saluted us on our arrival
had built a Fort of Picketts 15 feet high to defend themselves from
the Chipiwas as they herd that there was no less than 1100 of them with the Govr.
and they are Prodigiously afraid of them, but the reason I do not know-
This morning the Guns was taken on Shore and fired as early as Possible and at nine oClock three Guns was fird to return the Indians Salute.
Yesterday Provisions was Issued to 36 of them but they did not Say how many was to com along with us. All they Said was that they would be up with us. At half after ten we embark, and about one we Saw a Small Raft going a drift, on which orders was given to land immediately and form. The Indians Sent out a few Runners. They discoverd a few tracks
The method we was formd in, on landing was as follows: the Indians on the left, Captain Lamoths Division nixt them facing to the Left outwards to cover the left Flank of the Company of Captain Masonvill, the Regulars and Duvernets Division of Artillery men.
My Company was advanced 50 yds to the right of the Artillery Division facing to the right outwards, and Lieut. Shuffelins Division, I Supose as a Corps de reserve, a little in the Rear of the right. We remained in this Order a quarter of an hour And the Governor came along the line and Saw that the men was drawn up according to his orders. He then ordered three Sentrys in the front of every Division and rest to Ground thier Arms. Orderd the Boats and Perogues to be brought as closs together as Possible and to get the tents a Shore and encamp. The Guards and Piquitt as usual. We [went] 12 miles in this 2Vi hours.
deer. 13 th
This morning the Indians wanted to go ahunting on which the Governor told them they might go as we was not to leave our encampment this day. A little after this a young Ottawa calld Kissingua cam to the Governors tent and Said he would go befor us, that he was tyred of Staying along with us, that he wanted to eat Buffelow, and that he would take a prisoner or a Scalp befor we arrived, and Sais he I will go to my tent, Smoak one Pipe and Sett off. He did according to what he Said, took one of the Indian Canoes and went his way. But whither his Going will be hurtfull to our enterprise or not we cannot Say befor our Arrival at Auport. It is Said by the Indian Officers that he went away very much displeasd because he was refused a little flour last night.
When they were Victualled, the rest of his Companions made Choice of
Corn and he wanted Some Flour along with the corn which major hay
forbade Mr. Gaffie to give him. At one oClock 17 of the 36 Peseans that
Saluted us the other day came to Camp in order to acompany us to the
Auport. This was Perhaps the Govrs. reason for Staying here to day waiting for them.
13 December 1778
Kissingua88 the young Indian that left us this morning on returning from
the Governors tent to that of Egushewas opend his Pack and took out
all the Presents he had recieved, and Said as he was going away he
would leave every thing the Great man had given him there, that he would
take non of his Presents along with him. On which Egushewa &
Mishamindawa89 told him if he was dissatisfyd with the Govrnor
or with them, he might depart as Soon as he Pleasd and go and Join
the Ribels, and aquaint them that they would Soon See them-
At ten oClock young Der Kinder, young Cowisa and two Indians was ordered to embark on board of a Canoe and Proceed down them River till Sun Sett and then encamp at the Same time. Six Indian Runers was orderd on each Sid the River and Join Lieut. De Kinder,
Encamp with him and Stay there till the Governor Arrived.
Seeing the track of three men the other day and the raft gave room for Suspition that [some] of the Enemy was lurking about us,
88. Identified by Hamilton in his journal as a mixed Ottawa and Miami Indian in company with the Wea tribe.
89. Probably Chamintawa, like Egushewa an Ottawa chief.
ahead in order to make Some discoverys-At 4 oClock an Indian that
was ahunting arrived in camp and Reported that he tracked 5 horses
about 5 miles from camp, he Said they Seem to have ben on the
Gallop and going towards Auport. This I gave Very little credit to because
they had not time enough to Send any of their People So far up the river
Since Young Fouchis Arrived amongest them as he had but two days
Start on us from Mr. Gamlins house-
As the weather was Very Severe last night, wind blowing hard and Squally, Some Snow and a keen Frost we did not embark before nine oClock. At 12 we Arrived where Mr. De Kinder had encampd last night and was Surprizd to See Kissingua and the three that we had trackd two days ago along with him. De Kinder Sais that he overtook Kissingua alittle befor he had encampd and asked him what made him com away and where he was going,
14 December 1778 on which he Smild and Said he did not intend going any further
till the army arrived and that all he Said or did was a meir Joke-
The other three he met much about Same time. They are Miamis and they Say that they had been hunting and lost themselves and that they made raft to cross the River on knowing the Army was on the Oposite Side. When they left us he ask’d them if they did not here the three Guns that was fird two days ago. They answerd no and Said that if they had not met him they would go Straight on, as they immagind the Army was before them. They left us the tenth and all this time was not missed or Say Reported by either of thier Chiefs or by Mr. Bobian their Officer and Enterpreter. However I must Observe that their Cannoe and track lost us aday and a halfs time and in all Probability we would be a aupost this night ha[d] we
not Seen either of these things-We encamped at half after three and
Came 56 miles this day but they Seem to me very Short miles-
This morning at day break two Lieuts. of the Indian department with Several Indian went on each Sid the River both as a covering Party and to make discoverys incase the Enemy intended attackg us on our way down in Some advantagious Place. At ten oClock the Boats a head discoverd Somthing like Cannoes on Shore, on which Captain Lamoth with his division was orderd to land and Send a few men to reconiter the distance of one mile from the Shore.
On landing the[y] found Seven or eight Indian cannoes that had been left there by Some Indians that went into the land to their winter hunting.
Most of our Indians was this day in the front. At two oClock we heard four Yells from the Party that went On the left Shore. We all Put to the Shore and landed, and there found one of the De Kinders with the Packan and his Band who had taken Lieut. Bruite90 of the French Rebels Company at auPort and three men in a Cannoe Sent by Captain Helem from there to look out for us and had Orders to go as fare as the Owiat incase they could not see us in their way hither. This fellow had 90. Lt. Michel Brouillett of the Vincennes militia; he found himself in the awkward position of having accepted commissions in both the British and American forces.
Recieved a Commission from Lieut. Governor Abbott, and very unducky for him had received his Present Commission the very day he Came away which was the 13th Instant. They Say there is not an Englishman at auPost but Captain Helem and Henry the Gun Smith.91 But that one Captain Bolo a native there had raisd a Company of 50 men who does duty in the Fort, And that their Numbers at the Ilinois does not exceed 50. Every other thing they Say corispond with what Mr. Gamlin told us a few days ago. After this we embarkd again and encampd alittle above the cutt Point. 24 miles this day.
This morning embarkd at eight oClock and after Rowing nine miles we met two Canoes with Indians comming from auPort. We landed a little below them and my Company and Masonvills was ordered to encamp and ten of Lieut. Duvernets Division, the Division of the 8th Regiment, Captain Lamoths Company. Lieut. Duvernet with the Gun Boat was ordered to refresh themselves and be ready to embark when orderd. A few of the different nations of Indians was likewise
91. Also known as Henry the Armourer, he is reported by Hamilton as having at a later date tried to persuade Clark to moderate his desire to slaughter Indians wholesale.
16 December 1778 to be in readiness to go along with those, to go and take Possion of Fort
Patrick Henry9* under the Command of major Hay. The Governor Stayd
with us. At three oClock they embarked and went away. We all thought
they would get immediate Possion knowing thier was no more than
Fifty men had taken Armes for the Rebels. Indeed we was of opinion
that Captain Helm would make his Escape as Soon as he had
Intilligences of our near aproach, as he could not have much
dependance on those he Commanded. Major Hay landed about 6
miles above the Fort and there made fires and Stay’d till day light, then embarkd
and came within half amile of the Fort. But before he came this length he
Sent Lieut. Fontany De Kinder with a party of Indians a cross the Plains
to Guard the road to the Ilinois incase Captain Helm Should go that way
himself or Send any Person to aquaint Colonel Clark of our Arrival-
When the St. Georges Flag which was hoisted on board the Gun Boat was Seen from the Fort and Town, Major La Gran and Mr. Henry carried two Rebels Collowers [colors] with them and went to meet Major Hay. Henry on his arrival attempted to take him by the hand which the major refused telling
92. Fort at Vincennes renamed by Clark when he took it from Hamilton. Patrick Henry was then governor of Virginia and had backed Clark’s plan for the defense of the west.
taking the Rebels by the hand and immidiately ordered him Prisoner-
Not with stand all this I am enform’d by Some of the Gentlemen there Present that he not only gave his hand to Major LaGran, Captain Boseron93 and Som others but kiss’d them, and recived them with every mark of friendship. And thos three officers told major Hay that Captain Helm was diserted by his Soldiers that he had inlisted here, and at that moment had but four men along with [him] in the Fort. He never attempted to com near the Fort till our Arrival which was half after 12. The 17th. On our landing the Governor order’d a man to remain in every Boat and Perogue. Mason--vills Company was order’d to face to the right and march towards the Town. I had orders to remain with my Company where I was till I had orders from him to move. XA of an hour after I recieved orders to march my Company towards the Town and form them 100 yds. to the right of Lieut. Schuffelins Division. As Soon as the Governor arang’d his little
93. Capt. Bosseron of the Vincennes militia.
17 December 1778
Army he sent to the Fort to demand of Captain Helm to Strick [strike] his Collowers,
that Governor Hamilton was comming in his Majestys name to take
Posession of it immediately. Captain Helm reply as to this mesage, ask
the Governor on what terms he expects the Collowers will be struck and the Fort
Surenderd. On which the Governor Said he would Soon Sho him on what
Terms, then ordered Lieut. DuVernet with the Gun to march on to the
Gate. The Detachment of the 8th followed him, then my Company followed
by Masonvills and Captain Lamoths in the Rear. The Poor man Deser-
-ted by his Officers and men having at this time but three and Seing the
Governor Determind to lose no time he Struck the Collowers. When we came
within 20 yds. to the Fort Gate, and notwithstanding every Percaution taken
to Prevent the Savages geting in, a Number of them got in through Gun
Ports and began to Seas [seize] every thing they coud com at, in the first
Place Anumber of Horses and Hogs. Others again broke the windows
with their Tomhawks and got into the house and took every thing they
could carry away, one Barrel of Tafia,94 Some Corn and Papers excepted.
94. A type of rum.
After the Savages had gon away with the Plunder the Troops was orderd to take the boats and Perogues under the Fort, bring their tents & bagage on Shore and encamp in the Fort. In the mean time the Governor had Some Private talke with Captain Helm. He Seems to be a Plain honest disinterested brave man, his conversation entertaining and Spirited, and I belive the Governor looks upon him as Such for which reason he is a Prisoner at large on his Parole of honor. This endid this days worke. I am enform’d that Major Hay amongest the rest was mindfull of his interest as he Pickd out the best horse that was in the Fort.
The first Part of this day was Spent in cleaning the mens Arms, dressing themselves and at 12 oClock all the Troops was drawn up on the Esplanade where a Royal Salute was bred and three Vollies of Small Arms followed by 6 chears, three in English and three in French. Then the Governor very Politely thanked the Officers for their readiness and good beheavor on the march to this Place. The Inhabitants was disarmd this day-
The Governor ordered all the inhabitants to asemble in the Church and
after reprimanding them for their weke, unmanly and ungenerous beheavor
he told them that Such as thought themselves Forced to take an Oath
Alegiance To Congress, that he did to not look upon it in anyways
Binding And therfor that he would Propose one for them Such as
would Voluntarily take it to King George the third. The Oath
was to this Purpots [purpose]: Beging his Majesty Pardon for their Past ofenses
and disiring his forgiviness and to receve them as his faithfull
Subjects. They were made repeat every word, tooke God and man
to witness their oath and after Repeating the words Kissd the Cross.
There was no forss in this Oath for he rather forbad them to take it if
they found any thing containd in it that would hurt their Concisnees [consciences]. However
I belive they all took it without acception [exception]. At 2 in the afternoon our
Sentrys on the Boat Guard Saw 2 Perogues comming up the River on which
Report I went with two men in a Boat to See who they were. And as there
was Boats daily expected from the Ilinois with Rum & Flour, we had a Strick
them they told me that they came from hunting. At this Time there was no
less than 60 men from this Town on that busyness. On their Arrival at
the Fort there was Some Papers found on them for which reason they were
Suspected and threatened to be hung if they did tell every thing they
knew of the Enemy. But they Persisted in there Inocenes. They then were orderd
Prisinors in one of our Guards during this night-
The Prisoners being called in this morning for examination would not Discover anything of the Enemy if they knew any. They Said that they left 2 Perogues 36 miles below this with People in them that was making Wine and likwise hunting. On hearing this Lieut. Schuffelen with ten
men was immediately ordered to go and take up to the Fort. Those that were in the Guard
Releassed. But what wild Beef they had in there Perogues was taken for the
use of the Garrison. Lieut. Sheffelen and Party Arrived in the evening with
out Seing any People but Indians. And they were Surprisd to See him knowing
him not to be a Virginian-
21-24 December 1778
deer 2[l]d 78
Nothing this day but attending those that came to take the new
Oath. After Gun firing Lieut. Chabert with a Party went down
the River. The Guards this night as usual. [The last sentence is crossed out. ]
Lieut. Shabert arrived at 12 oClock who Says he Saw nothing, that is to Say no Perogues or Boats comming up the River which was his orders to look out for-Nothing farther all this day-
This morning the Carpenters was order to make a Sort of a Magazine Covered with Cowhides, after which they began to mak a double Shad [shed] for to lodge the men in. It is to be open in the Roof and the fires in the middle which I belive will ocation Plenty of Smoake-
As the Indians was asking leave to go home and others to war,
Equshewa waited on the Governor and told him that he intended going down the River and See if he could mett any of the Enemy.
116 On this Lieut. Scheffelin was ordered to get himself ready with Seven of
24 December 1778
Lamoths Company to go a long with Equshewa. What orders he receivd is not know, But one thing Sure he must be derected by the Indians.
They embarkd at ten oClock and went away. Much about the Same time Mr. Mathew Elliot with a Party of Indians went towards the falls of the Ohio to intercept a Boat that was expected there from the Ilinois Loaded with Salt. At 8 oClock Lieut. Sheffelin wr[o]te a Letter to the Governor aquainting him that he mett with one Mr.
Lature who had been at the Ohio River a hunting and told him that he had
Seen a Dalewar [Delaware] Chief on his way to the Gerokie [Cherokee] River to meet 400
Gerokies, Chikisas and Creeks with afew Shawanous 8c Dalewars
and that they intended killing every Virginian they would catch going
up or down the Ohio River. This Lature likewise confirmed Some newes
we had formerly heard of a Batteau Going from the Ilinois to the falls
with Salt, and I belive Mr. Elliot went to intercept and this finished
this days transaction-
Deer 25th 78
The letter mentioned yesterday I belive Ocationed the Governor to Send One Hazell95 and Kissingua Accompany’d with a few Indians after Lieut. Scheffelen with letters, Belts etc. to the Gerokee River, I Supose to invite them Indians and their Leader here. What Success that messange will have time will discover. The Carpenters worke and Cutting fire wood was the rest of this days employment- deer. 26th
There was nothing Material all this day farther then what the orders of the day will Show- 27th
This morning 5 of the Kicabuse went to the Ilinois to Carry of[f] a Scalp or Prisoner which every body is of opinion they will do, as they are Recconed very good warriors. Nothing farther worth mentioning-
Mr Bobian with Young Mr. Bolon and 13 Indians took thire departure for the Ilinois. Mr. Bolon I am informed was entrusted with a Letter from the Governor to the Inhabitants of that Place,
But I am ignorat of the contents of it. I belive Mr. Bobian 95. Edward Hazle, sent with Kissingua by Hamilton to woo the Cherokees and Chickasaws at the Natchez.
28 December 1778
and the Indians desired to carry off a Prisoner if Possible-
Yesterday the Governor gave a Verbale order that all the Inhabitants Should give in a list of all the Liquor, dry goods & Tobacco in thier Possession to Major Hay. On the hearing of this Order I waited on the Governor And told him that on my Arrival here I had ordered the Italian to buy me three Barrels Tafia and as much Tobacco as he could Pay for, that I wanted the Tobacco for my trad[e] at Detroit and expected he would not take it from me and likwise hoped he would Permite me to keep one of the three Barrels Tafia. He answerd very cooly and Said that it was his Orders that all Should be taken without exception, that he had no body to advise with and not acountable to non in America for his Conduct but two whose names was very well known, that if he did wrong this road was open for Representation and Complaint. I told him that if Piople thought themselves agrived the road was very long if open to represent or comp-lean of things they did not like-
28-29 December 1778
He then in a more milder manner Said that Captain Masonvill had applyd to him for a Barrel of Taffia as I had don and that he had given him a denyall and of course could not think of giving
or Granting me a Privelage he had refused to others-
I could not help Answering him, and Said I did not look upon it as Previlage or favor to keep as much of my own Liquor that I had Payd
for as I thought would Serve me while I Stayd in the Place-
However I was obliged to com away without any hopes of being allowed to keep one Single Gill-
This morning Mr. Adhemar went round to every house who gave in Any returns for Tafia or Tabacco which he took giving only recpts for the quaintitys and Lodged the whole at Bossorons. What Prices is to be allowed for these Articles I am as yeat igorant of but I am sure we Shall lose no less than four hundred
Pounds by this Order, and their is no way left us for Redress at Present.
29-31 December 1778
Agreeable to the orders of the 26 there was no less than 32 of my company had given in thier names to go home and 25 of Masonvills on which The Governor gave orders that they Should receive thier Pay to the 20th January, ten days Provisions to carry them to the Miamis and ten days to carry them from thence to Detroit and march off from thence a Friday nixt being the first day of the Newyear-
From the 29 to the 31 there was nothing happend worth mentioning-
But this being the last day that the Dischargd men was to Stay I was obliged to Settle their Accounts to the 24th and gave each man a draft on my Partner Mr. Macnamara for the Ballance of their different accounts, and as they had delivered their Armes they had leave to Lodge in the Village or any where els they Pleased. It Rain’d So hard this day that it Prevented Several of the men to come and get thier drafts and me from writting them, being Lodged in a very bad raged [ragged] & old tent.
January 1st 79
This day I Settled with all my Company Such of them as was Dischargd, But the rain continouing prevented their going away and as they could not get away they began to buy Guns for themselves, being only allowed one for every two men by the Governor, and they thought it was very ill usage to be So Striped of their Arrnes So
far from home-To Save truble to Major Hay the Governor gave them
in Place of a discharge each Only a Pass with all their Names Mention’d in it and what pay was alowed them. And this Gener--all pass or discharge was given to old Serjeant Burgois with Orders to conduct the whole to Detroit-
Notwithstanding the Governors own Order in regard to the People taking their discharges, he was disapointed in his expection, for he did not think half the Number would have taken thier dischar -ges at this advanced Season. And now Seing the rain had continu--ed for Several days Which ocationed the Rivers to raise and a Great Part of the Country over flowed it being very flat for Several miles
2-3 January 1779
from the River, He thought proper to give out an Order command--ing all those that was Dischargd and Lodged in the Village to be Punctuall in attending Rollcalling, Mount guard and go fatigues as usual. I belive he thought he would frieghten them by this and that they would beg leave to Stay in their different companys as they formerly were-
The order of yesterday had no other effect than this, that very early this Morning they embarked their Little Baggage on board four Perogues and was all off befor ten oClock except the English Merchants that was of my company. They went by land as they had bought a horse each. With those Gentlemen I Sent a Negroe man named George that I engagd to Serve me 12 months for the Consitheration of £ 36 Newyork Currency. They took their departure at 12 o’clock and I finish this days worke as nothing els happened-
Preparing timber for Barracks and Fetching firewood from the Oposite Side the River was all this days employment-
This day employd the People as yesterday. Several of our Indians took their departure this day. Indeed their is hardly aday that Some of them does not go away. But as no Person is Present at their Councills but the Governor, Major Hay and the Interpreters I am ignorant of what Passes amongest them. Yet I am very Sure the Indians are dissatisfyed and makes no Scruple of Saying that they are ill treated and that all their Plans are always rejected.
This day the Governor Ordered one Mr. Mumbro,96 a man that was a Lieut, under Captain Helm and one of the 4 that Stayed with him in the Fort when we took Posession of it, to command all the inhabitant in their turn to cutt and cart out of the woods large Square Logs to make three Block Houses. And Such of them as refuised 96. Probably Montbrun, adjutant in the Vincennes militia.
Mumbro for his Spirited beheavour with Helm and his open and free
Conversattion when he Spock to him, by Saying that he had niver taken
the oath of aligiance to King George. And as he had taken a Comm-
-ission from Captain Helm and likwise Swore Aligience to Congress
that he intended to have don his duty as long as he could and as well as he was able,
But that he now was convenced that he was wrong, and that Piere Gibau97
had forced the oath upon him against his inclination and
therfor does not look upon it any ways binding, he was ready to take
the Oath to the King and would Serve him with all his heart.
This day the Governor Sent for all the Officers of the Militia Such as Lieut. Governor Abbott had given Commissions to. Every one of them had taken commissions from Captain Helm but Since our Arrival they took the Same Oath to King George as was Prescribed to the inhabitants by the Lieut. Govr. and taken in the Church. He has been Pleased to give every one of them Commissions Signed by himself and the Same Rank as 97. Father Pierre Gibault of Kaskaskia, a strong supporter of the Americans, characterized by Hamilton as a “worthless mortal.”
They had by Lieut. Govr.Abbott and Captn. Helms Commissions-
And at the Same time giving them Strick charg to keep a Good command over their different Companys, And report Such Persons as the[y] found any ways dis--obidient to thier orders. This being don the New Officers went their way very much Pleased to See that their late Rebellious beheavour was forgiven and taken into favour by the man they a few days ago thought had a right and authority enough to Hang them. They now Seem as gay and Pretend to be as good Subjects as those that had all there lifetime been fighting against the Enemys of their Soverign George the third.
This day the Carpenters was employed as usual in Preparing timber for Barracks to officers and all the men off duty in Geting firewood and Sinking a well in the Fort. These workes find employment enough for all hands and besids this the men mount Guard with one night in bed which is as little as Soldiers can have in Garrison-
All this day the People was employed as Yesterday. But at 11 oClock
at night an Indian of this Place that was of Mr. Bobians Party arrived
with one Lungon, a Frenchman that came from the Ilinois with lette[rs] from
Colonel Clark to Captain Helm in which he Says that there [is] 400
Indians and Some whitemen Near the Cohaus the Uper Village of the
Ilinois came from Michilimackinac98 by the River Ilinois, and that
Severals of the inhabitants were making their escape to the Spanish
Side to avoid the ravages of the Savages. But that he had Published
an order forbiding any of the inhabitants to quitt their habitations
on the aproach of the Enemy on Pain of hauving their Huses [houses] burnt to
ashes and their Effects confiscated. He likwise informed him that
he had Sent a Batteau with 150 Packs of Beaver and Navigated with
25 men to the falls of the Ohio Some time ago, and that 2 Perogues with
Flour and Tafia was on their way to this Place. It appears by this
letter that they had heard nothing of our Arrival at St. Vincent.
This man was 12 day from the Ilinois and was taken by Mr. Bobian & his Party on his way here. The Plains are all under water which ocationd his being so many days on his way from thence-
Nothing happened this day or nothing don farther that the Ordinary workes and fatigues in the fort and about it-
98. A garrison at the juncture of Lake Huron and Lake Michigan, commanded by Maj. Arent S. DePeyster. Patrick Sinclair was lieutenant governor for this area.
All this day the men were employd in the usual workes-
Nothing this day mor than usual till 4 in the afternoo[n] when 2 Perogues arrived from the Ilinois Loaded with fflour and Rum, the Property of one Jean Course, an inhabitant of this Place. With those Perogues came Lieut. Scheffelin who left this 24th Ultime with 7 men of Lamoths Company, 15 Indians and 4 French Volunteers. On his Arrival he gives the following Account of his Proceedings at the Ohio and Awabash: that on the Night of the 31st deer, at 9 miles from the mouth of the Awabash he encamped alittle below Jean Course and his 2 Perogues, that he had ordered his Corpl. to Plant a Sentry and by [be] very watchfull as he was expecting more Perogues or Boats from the Ilinois and was in the mean time distrustful of Jean Course and his people, not with standing thier Protestations of Loyalty, that about 9 oClock he found himself a dry and desired his Servant to bring him Some water and immediately
drinking a draft he was Seazd with a Dimness and fell down on his bed and fell into a very Sound Sleep. At 3 in the morning aweaked and calld to the Sentry but not being answered he then Call’d the Corpl. No Answer being made him he imediately ran out to know what was the reason of their not answering, when to his Surpriz he could find non of their Arms in the Place they were in befor he went to Sleep. On this Ran to the River to wher the Boat was and now much more Surprizd than befor
Seing that the Boat was gon and all his Party. He then Asked Jean Course and his people if they had heard his men going away or if they knew any thing of their intention befor they did go. Jean Course and men Said they did not and that if they knew any thing of the matter beforhand they would have Prevented them. Jean Course told him you have lost only Seven men, there is Seven more [of] my men. Command them, You’ll find that they will Stand by you and So Shall I myself, opose you who will. We will fight as long as we can for you and inbehalf of our King-
From the 12th to the 15th nothing happened worth mentioning, as thier
was nothing don but the usual workes about the Fort, and fetching
firewood from the oposite Side. But at 5 in the afternoon
Mr. Elliott and his Party of Indians Consisting of 20 Arrived
from the Ohio falls. He says that they had discover’d a large
Canoe above the Fort at the falls and that he immediately formd
or rather dressed up an Ambuscad to take the People that had
left the Canoe. But notwith standing they Stayd a whole day
in their Ambush no Body appeared, which gave the Indians
Room to Say and Perhaps with reason that they had been discovered
by the Enemy. And therfore was Unanimous in making a retreat.
Mr. Elliott in Vain remonstrated against Such a Shamefull Proceding and beged they would only Stay Untill they would See Some of the Enemy a Crossing the River. Supose Said he that 20 of them Should attempt to Cross. We can have two fires upon them before
All the Answer they made was that they had Several young men that
was not used to war and they were afraid to lose any of them-
Besids should they be obligd to retrate their was Severalls of them Could not run So as to Escape the Enemy who they knew ran will [well].
From the 15 to this day nothing worth mentioning. The fire wood and the Carpenters worke was the attention of every
Person-At 10 this morning Lieut. DeVernett Showed me
a letter he had wrote to the Lieut. Governor, Signifying his intention of going back to Detroit and giving som[e] hints of this Service being Very disagreeable to him and his not being will or Civilly used on ma[n]y Ocations Since he left his Garrison t[o be]come a Volunteir on this Expedition.
This day Lieut. DuVernett was told by the Lieut. Governor that he was Very Sorry that things was not more agreeable to him then he Saw they were, on which Duvernett Said that Major Hay was the Chief cause of that and that he was sure that every officer and Soldier on the Expedition hated and Dispeised him. The Governor confessd that Major Hay had not a method of gaining Peoples Good will and he was
Very Sorry for it-At this moment Lieut. Scheffelin
entered and told the Governor that he had heard that he the Governor had taken one half of his Pay from him, and that he had reason to think that Major Hay was the cause of that deduction. But Says he if you do not choose to give me my two Dollars Per day as I usually had, you may keep the whole and Discharge me from the Service-The Governor
Said whoever informed him of any Part of his Pay being taken from him was bad authorr. [authority] and knew nothing of the matter and gave him imediately a draft for his Dollar as Secretary,
which Pecifyed this truly Loyall 2 Dollar aday Lieut.-
Mr. Mathew Elliot as had leave to go home by Way of the Shawanow towns which the Governor Granted him. He and Lieut. DuVernett goes together-
Nothing hapened worth mentioning-
This day Young Bolon Arrived from the Ilinois, this is the Bolon that left this place 28th deer, with Mr. Bobian and party.
He Says that Egushewa Joined them at the Ilinois with his Party, and Seing that non of the Ribels was Venturing out of the Village from Some days, Egueshewa, Calamuti and a Brother and Nephew of Isidore Shane" was resolved to do Somthing befor they came away. Left from behind Caskasky100 and went towards Fort Charters101 w[here] Seing some People a worke in the
99. In his journal Hamilton mentions Pierre Chesne as belonging to a party that seems to be identical to that mentioned by MacLeod here; the exact relationship between Pierre and Isidore is never specified, however.
100. Presumably Kaskaskia, on the east bank of the Mississippi, and like Detroit, Vincennes, and Michilimacki-nac, one of the four stations of the British lieutenant governors. It was captured by Clark 4 July 1778.
101. Fort Chartres, in Illinois on the Mississippi, founded by the French in 1720. The site is now part of a state park.
22 January 1779
Fields they [illegible] do[wn wh]en Egush[ewa Said to] his [this line is badly damaged]
Companions that he would go and See who they were, that
Perhaps some of the Enemy was amongest them. The
Frenchmen told him to Stay Still as his going to them
would Alarm then and Consequintly they would Alarme
the Enemy. Elis egerness to take a prison[er] made him follow
the dictates of his own mind and discovered himself to them,
on which they made all the haste they cou’d to the Fort and
aquainted the Rebels that they had discover’d some Strange Indians
on the Road. That very night they Sent mesengers to aqu-
aint Colonel Clark who was at that time at Fort Charters,
and on receiving the mesange he took horse immediately
and Set off for Caskasky-Had it not been for Egushewas imp-
atians [impatience] it is Very Probable they would have taken Col. Clark Preson[er] as he intended to have co[me] that road next morning alon Perha[ps].
e single most important work relative to the editing of the MacLeod journal was John D. Barnhart’s Henry Hamilton and George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution, with the Unpublished Journal of Lieut. Gov. Henry Hamilton. Besides being the best work on Hamilton, Barnhart’s research into place names, Indian names, etc., proved to be invaluable. By comparing the MacLeod journal with the Hamilton journal on a day by day basis a thorough understanding of the British expedition is possible.
Next to Barnhart the greatest understanding of the general situation can be gained from Clarence Alvord’s The Mississippi Valley in British Politics, Clarence Carter’s “The Significance of the Military Office in America, 1763-1775,” Nelson Russell’s The British Regime in Michigan, 1760-1796, and Jack Sosin’s two works, Whitehall and the Wilderness and The Revolutionary Frontier.
They are all important but probably Alvord and Sosin are the best.
Alden.John R. Pioneer America. New York, 1966.
Alvord, Clarence W. The Illinois Country: 1673—1818. The Centennial History of Illinois, vol.I. Springfield,
-. The Mississippi Valley in British Politics: A Study of
the Trade, Land Speculation, and Experiments in Imperialism Culminating in the American Revolution. Cleveland, O., 1917.
-. “Mississippi Valley Problems and the American
Revolution.” Minnesota History Bulletin 4 (1921-22).
-, and Carter, Clarence E., eds., The Critical Period:
1763-1765, Illinois State Historical Library Collections 10, British Series, vol. 1. Springfield, 111., 1915.
Bakeless, John. Background to Glory: The Life of George Rogers Clark. Philadelphia and New York, 1957.
Barnhart, John D., ed. Henry Hamilton and George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution with the Unpublished Journal of Lieut. Gov. Henry Hamilton. Crawfords-ville, Ind., 1951.
Billington, Ray A. America’s Frontier Heritage. New York, 1966.
-, and Hedges, James Blaine. Westward Expansion: A
History of the American Frontier, 1492—1896. New York, 1960.
Bodley, Temple. George Rogers Clark: His Life and Public Service. Boston and New York, 1926.
-. Our First Great West In Revolutionary War, Diplomacy, and Politics. Louisville, Ky., 1938.
Brebner, John Bartlet. The Explorers of North America: 1492-1806. London and New York, 1933.
Bibliography Carter, Clarence E. Great Britain and the Illinois Country: 1763-1774. Washington, D.C., 1910.
—-. “The Significance of the Military Office in Amer
ica, 1763-1775.” American Historical Review 28 (1923).
Caruso, John Anthony. The Appalachian Frontier: America’s First Surge Westward. Indianapolis, Ind., 1959.
Clark, George Rogers. George Rogers Clark Papers: 1771 — 1781. Illinois State Historical Library Collections 8, Virginia Series, vol. 3, edited by James Alton James. Springfield, 111., 1912.
Curtis, Edward E. The Organization of the British Army in the American Revolution. St. Clair Shores, Mich., 1972.
Derleth, August. Vincennes: Portal to the West. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1968.
English, William Hayden. The Conquest of the Country
Northwest of the River Ohio, 1778-1783, and the Life of George Rogers Clark. Indianapolis, Ind., 1896.
Farmer, Silas. The History of Detroit and Michigan; or the Metropolis Illustrated. Detroit, 1884.
Flexner, James. Mohawk Baronet: Sir William Johnson of New York. New York, 1959.
Fortescue, J.W./l History of the British Army. London, 1899.
Higginbotham, Don. The War of American Independence: Military Attitudes, Politics, and Practice 1763-1789. New York, 1971.
James, James Alton. The Life of George Rogers Clark. Chicago, 1928.
Johnson, Ida Amanda. The Michigan Fur Trade. Lansing, 1919.
Johnson, William. The Papers of Sir William Johnson.
Edited by James Sullivan, Alexander C. Flick, Al-mon W. Lauber, and Milton W. Hamilton. Albany, N.Y., 1921-65.
Keltie,John S., ed. A History of the Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans, and Highland Regiments. Edinburgh and London, 1879.
Leach, Douglas Edward. The Northern Colonial Frontier: ¦ 1607-1763. New York, 1966.
Lindley, Harlow, ed. Indiana as Seen by Early Travellers. Indianapolis, Ind., 1916.
Mason, Philip P. Detroit, Fort Lemoult, and the American Revolution. Detroit, 1964.
Office of the State Comptroller. New York in the Revolution as Colony and State. Albany, N.Y., 1904.
O’Callaghan, E.B., ed. Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York. Albany, N.Y., 1857.
Palmer, Frederick. Clark of the Ohio: A Life of George Rogers Clark. New York, 1929.
Quaife, Milo M. The Capture of Old Vincennes. Indianapolis, Ind., 1927.
-. “Detroit and George Rogers Clark.” Indiana
History Bulletin 5, extra issue no. 2 (1928).
Richards, Frederick B. “The Black Watch at Ticonder-oga.” Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association 10 (1911).
Russell, Nelson V. The British Regime in Michigan: 1760-1796. Northfield, Minn., 1939.
Sosin, Jack M. “The French Settlements in British Policy for the North American Interior, 1760-1774.” Canadian Historical Review 39 (1958).
-. The Revolutionary Frontier: 1763—1783. New
-. Whitehall and the Wilderness: The Middlewest in
British Colonial Policy, 1760-1775. Lincoln, Neb., 1961.
Thwaites, Reuben Gold, ed. “The British Regime in Wisconsin.” Wisconsin State Historical Society Collections 18 (1908).
-, and Kellog, Louise Phelps, eds. The Revolution
on the Upper Ohio: 1775—1777. Madison, Wis., 1908.
Trudel, Marcel. Atlas de la Nouvelle-France. Laval, France, 1968.
Van Every, Dale. A Company of Heroes: The American Frontier 1775-1783. New York, 1962.
Wallace, W. Stewart, ed. Documents Relating to the North West Company. Toronto, 1934.
Whenever possible, all names are indexed under their standard modem forms. Variant spellings appear in parentheses following the main entry; very unusual spellings are also cross-referenced.
Abbott, Lieut. Gov. Edward, 11,
109, 125, 126
Abercrombie, Gen. Sir James, xvi, xvii
Adams, Mr., xxvii Adhemar, St. Martin (Adhimer, Adhmar), 60, 61, 69, 70, 120 Agushewai. See Egushewa Albany, New York, xvi, xix, xxx America, 119 Amherst, Jeffrey, xviii Ansley, Amos (Ainslie), 15, 19, 20, 25, 26, 29, 40, 49, 62, 67 Arbere Mallachi, 81 Au Port, Au Post. See Vincennes Auglaize River (Grand Glace, Grand Glaze), 20, 23, 26, 27 Awabash, Awabashe. See Wabash River
Banyar, Goldsbrow, xxx
Baron of the Mohawk, xviii. See also Johnson, Sir William Beaubien, Charles (Baubin, Bobean, Bobian), 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 13, 16, 19, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 31, 36, 51, 52, 53, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 107, 118, 126, 127, 133 Belfry, Mr., 74, 100 Bermuda, xiv Black Ribbon, 3 Black Watch. See Forty-second Regiment
Bogard, 24, 25, 29, 62, 67, 68 Bolon, Captain (Bollon, Bolo), 18, 109, 118, 133
Boseron, Captain (Bossoron), 111, 120
Bowen, Daniel (Bowan), 14, 16, 19 Brabant, xvi, xxxiv Braddock, Gen. Edward, xvii Brant, Joseph, xxi, xxii, xxiii Broom, Samuel, xxviii Brouillett, Lieut. Michel (Bruite), 108
Brown, Capt. John, xxvi Burgois, Sergeant, 122
Cahokia, Illinois, ix, x, xi, xiv
Calamuti, 133 Camain Couvert, 72 Camp au Pied Froide, 71 Campbell, Daniel, xviii, xxx Cardinal, Millet (Cardinale, Miate), 18
Carleton, Lieut. Gov. Guy (Charlton), xxxiii, xxxiv Caskasky. See Kaskaskia Celoron, Jean Baptiste (Celoron, Seloron, Siloron), xi, 11, 17, 18, 24, 47
Chabert, Lieut. Francois Joncaire (Shabear, Shabert), 67, 116 Chapman, Sergeant, 78 Chapoton, Jean Baptiste (Chapeton, Chapton), 88, 89, 93 Cherokee Indians (Gerokie), 117 Cherokee River (Gerokee, Gerokie), 117, 118
Chesne, Capt. Isadore (Shane), 95, 133
Chevalier, Louis (Shevallie,
Shevallier, Shevally), 39, 56, 58 Chicago, Illinois (Shicago, Shicagoe, Shucago), 29, 39, 58 Chickasaw Indians (Chikisos), 117 Chippewa Indians (Chipiwas,
Chippaweys, Chippiwas), 73, 95, 102
Clark, Col. George Rogers, ix, x, xi, xiii, xiv, xv, xxxiii, 18, 101, 110, 127,134
Claus, Daniel, xix, xx, xxx Coghnawage, xxx Cohaus, 127
Cottrel, Mr. (Contrell, Cotrell, Cottrell), 22, 23, 25, 52, 54, 55, 58, 92
Course, Jean, 128, 129 Cowisa, Mr., 105 Creek Indians, 117 Croghan, George, xviii, xix, xx, xxiii Crooked Legs, 92 Cumberland, Duke of, xx Curott, xxv Cut Island, 86 Cutt Nose, 58 Cutt Point, 109
Dagenet, Ambroise (Dequanic), 17 Dartmouth, Earl of, x Davernett. See Du Vernet, Lieut. Henry
Dawson, Mr., 92 De Blainville, Pierre Joseph Celeron, xi
De Render, De Kendr, De Kinder.
See De Quindre Dejean, Monsieur, xxii Delaware Indians (Dalewar), 117 Dennison, Mr. (Deneson), 62, 67 De Peyster, Major, xxxiii De Quandre. See De Quindre Dequanic. See Dagenet, Ambroise 138 De Quindre (de Kaint, de Kander,
de Render, de Kendr, de Renders, de Kent, de Kinder, De Quandre, Der Kinder), Fontiney, 16, 110; Franfois, 14, 16; unidentified, 15, 17, 18, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 36, 40, 45, 49, 61, 62, 63, 68, 70, 73, 105, 106, 108 Detroit, Michigan, ix, x, xi, xiii, xv, xviii, xx, xxii, xxxii, xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxv, 3, 5, 7, 8, 15, 21, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 62, 66, 67, 74, 82, 88, 90, 92, 93, 99, 119, 121, 122, 131 Detroit River, xi Dominica, xiv Dubois, Mr., 63, 81 Du Vernet, Lieut. Henry (Davernett, Devernett, Divernet, Duvernett), xxxiii, 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 78, 81, 103, 109. 112, 131, 132, 133
Edgar, William, xxxii Eel River (River Angu), 40 Egushewa (Agushewai, Egushewai), 91, 105, 116, 117, 133, 134 Eightieth Regiment, xvii, xviii, xxiv, xxv
Elair, Alexander, 7, 15, 16 Elliott, Matthew (Elliot), 80, 96, 117, 130, 133
Farrell, Daddy, xxiv Fonteny, Mr., 46 Fort Boon, Kentucky, 16 Fort Charters, Illinois, 133, 134 Fort Erie, Ontario, xxxiii Fort of Owia. See Ouiatenon
Fort Niagara, New York, xx, xxiii, xxiv, xxvi, xxvii
Fort Ontario (Oswegatchy), New York, xviii, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxxi, xxxii
Fort Patrick Henry, Indiana, xii, xiii, 110
Fort Pitt, Pennsylvania, xx Fort Sackville, Indiana, xiii, xiv, xxxiii
Fort Saint Joseph, Michigan, xi Fort Ticonderoga (Fort Carillon), New York, xvi Fort Wayne, Indiana, xii Forty-second Highland Regiment, xvi, xvii, xviii, xx Foucher, Mr. (Fouchie, Fouschis, Foushic), 47, 63, 106 Franklin, Governor, xxviii
Gaffie, Mr., 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 54, 61, 62, 65, 68, 69, 70, 74, 104 Gage, Thomas, xvii, xxv, xxvi, xxxi Gage’s Light Infantry. See Eightieth Regiment
Gamelin, Lieut. Medard (Gamblin, Gamlin), 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 106, 109
George III, king of England, 125, 126
Gerokee, Gerokie River. See Cherokee River Gerokie Indians. See Cherokee Indians
Gibault, Father Pierre (Gibau), 125 Godfroy, Daniel-Maurice, 43 Gorlick Island. See Isle of Garlic Gouin (Gowan, Gowen, Gowin):
Charles, 3, 11, 13; Nicholas, 11, 13, 31, 36, 53; unidentified, 7, 8, 9, 18, 24, 38, 45, 46, 50, 52, 54, 55, 58,59, 60,61,62,68, 69,71 Grand Glace, Grand Glaze. See Auglaize River Grand Sou, 28 Great Rapits, 15 Gregory, John, xxxiv
Haldimand, Gen. Frederick, xvi, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii Halifax, Nova Scotia, xvi Hamilton, Gov. Henry, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xxxii, xxxiv, 4, 37, 48, 98, 112
Harbor View, Ohio, xi Hay, Maj. Jehu, xxxiii, 8, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 98, 99, 104, 110, 111, 113, 119, 122, 124, 132 Hazle, Edward (Hazell), 118 Helm, Capt. Leonard (Helem), xii, 100, 101, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 124, 125, 126, 127 Henry the Gun Smith, 109, 110 Holland, xvi, xxxiv Huron Indians, 95
Illinois (Ilinois), x, xiii, xiv, xv, xx, 18, 87, 88, 89, 97, 100, 101, 109, 110, 114, 117, 118, 126, 127, 128, 133
Illinois River, xi
Island Beman (Bima), 16, 18
Island Giete, 6
Isle of Garlic (Gorlick Island), 86 Isle of Skye, Scotland, xvi
Johnson, John, xix Johnson, Lieut. Guy, xviii, xx, xxiii, xxv, xxix
Johnson, Sir William, xv, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxx, xxxi, xxxii
Kaskaskia (Caskasky), Illinois, ix, x, xii, xiii, xiv, 133, 134 Kecabuse. See Kickapoo Indians Kentucky, ix
Kickapoo Indians (Kecabuse, Kicabuse, Kikapuse), 81, 90, 91, 92, 95, 118
Kissingua, 104, 105, 118
La Fontain, Mr. (La Frontain), 22, 23, 52, 54, 55, 58
La Gran, Major. See Le Gras, Major Lake Champlain, xvi Lake Erie, xi
La Mothe, Capt. William (La Moth, Lamoth, Lamothe), xxxiii, 76, 78, 84, 92, 103, 108, 109, 112, 117, 128
Langlois Creek (River Angie, River Angis, River Langloy), 29, 63, 75, 80
Lasselle, Nicholas (Lacell), 80 Lature, Mr., 117
Le Gras, Major (la Gran), 101, 110, 111
Lemoult, Captain, xxxiii L’erable penchee (Lerabpancher, Lesabpancher), 79 Little Owabashe. See Little Wabash River
Little River (Petite Rivire), 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 72, 73 Little Wabash River, 75 Little Vermillion River, 96 Lorrain, Nicholas (Lorain, Loran, Loren, Lorime, Lorin, Lovan), 3, 7, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 28, 29, 30, 37, 40, 45, 48, 52, 62 Loudon, Lord, xvi Louisbourg, Nova Scotia, xvi Louisville, Kentucky, x Lovan, Mr. See Lorrain, Nicholas Lungon, Mr., 126
McBeth, Surgeon (McBeath), 66 MacDougal, Mr., xxix McDrum, Mr., 14 MacGregor, Gregor, xxxii McGregor, Mr., 68 McKee, Capt. Alexander, xxxiii, 14, 60, 84, 96
Mackivers, Mr., xxvii MacLeod, Mrs., xix, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxix, xxx, xxxiv, 5, 20, 47, 66 MacLeod, John, xxxii MacLeod, Capt. Normand, xi, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii, xxxiv, 13, 19, 24, 25, 26, 29, 44, 47, 48, 53, 60, 61, 65, 69, 70 Macnamara, Mr. (Mucnamara), 47, 121
Macomb, Alexander, xxxii MacTavish, Simon, xxxii Maghee, Maghie, Magie. See McKee, Capt. Alexander Magluskie, Patrick, 14
Maisonville, Capt. Francois (Masonvill, Masonville), 31, 40,
43, 44, 67, 70, 71, 75, 78, 80, 84, 103, 109, 111, 112, 120, 121 Manijnoc, 58
Mary Delarme Creek (Marie de Larme), 28
Mathews, Captain, xxxiii Methusaagi (Mitisagie), 90 Miami Indians, xi, 3, 11, 73, 81, 86, 95, 107
Miami Landing (Miamie), 47, 48,
50, 53, 59, 61 Miami River, xi
Miami Town (Miame, Miamie), 3, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 16, 19, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 37, 63, 64, 78, 86, 92,
121 . Michilimackinac, Michigan, x, xi,
xiii, xx, xxiii, 127 Mississinewa River (Massionnisie),
Mississippi River (Misisipee,
Misisipi, Misisipie), ix, x, xiii, 8, 33, 37
Mitisagie. See Methusaagi Moguagors. See Monguagon Mohawk River, xxx Monguagon, Michigan, 14 Monongahela River, xvii Montbrun, Mr. (Murrebro, Murrobro), 124, 125 Montreal, Quebec, x, xxxiv Montrea (Montry), 24, 25, 29, 62 Moran, Mr. (Morran), 63, 64 Morris, Colonel, xxix Morten, 55
Mucnamara. See Macnamara, Mr.
Murrebro, Murrobro. See Montbrun, Mr.
New Orleans, Louisiana, 101 New York, xvi, xx, xxvii, xxxii, xxxiii
New York City, xix, xx, xxii, xxiii, xxvii, xxx
Ohio River, x, xi, xiii, 117, 127, 128, 130
Onondagas, xxii Opied Roches. See Petit Rocher Opost. See Vincennes, Indiana Oswegatchy. See Fort Ontario Ottawa Indians, 73, 84 Otter Creek (Otter River), 3, 5 Ouiatenon, 11, 18, 39, 40, 41, 44, 47, 63, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 99, 100, 101, 108
Owabachie, Owabash. See Wabash River
Oweat, Oweatan, Oweaton, Owia, Owiat. See Ouiatenon
Pacane (Packan, Pashan), 40, 41, 43, 44, 47, 66, 108 Parkinson, Sergeant, 78 Pei Pla, 20 Pennsylvania, ix Petite Rivire. See Little River Petty, J., 19, 20 Point Carrial, 30
Point or River of Rocks. See Rock River
Point O Shain. See Pointe au Chene Point Raisin (Raision), 5 Pointe au Chene (Point O Shain), 5, 6
Pontiac (Pondiac), xxii Post St. Vindne. See Vincennes, Indiana
Potawatami Indians (Pottawatami), 80, 81, 95 Prarie Point, 27
Presque Isle (Presquille, Prisquill), 10, 11, 13
Prevost, Augustine, xix
Quebec, ix, x, xiv
Rapanehia, le. See Rappahannock River
Rapid de Calumet, 81 Rapid of Petie Roche. See Riviere de Petit Rocher Rapit de Beuf, 30 Rappahannock River (le Rapanehia), 78
River Angie, Angis. See Langlois Creek
River Angu. See Eel River River Langloy. See Langlois Creek River Massionnisie. See Mississinewa River
Riviere de Petit Rocher (Opied Roches, Petie Roche, Petit Roches, Petite Roche), 75, 76, 77, 86 Rivington, James, xxx Roberts, Benjamin, xxiii, xxv, xxix, xxx
Rocher de Baut (Rush de Baut), 61 Rock River, 3 Rogers, James, 17 Rogers, John, xiv
Rush de Baut. See Rocher de Baut
St. Cosme, Lieut. Pierre (St. Come, Sancombs), 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72 Saint Joseph, Michigan, 29, 39, 40, 56
St. Marie, Bourbon (St. Marrie), 22, 23, 47, 52, 58, 63, 64 St. Martin, Adhemar. See Adhemar, St. Mardn
St. Vincens, St. Vincent, St. Vinces, St. Vindens.See Vincennes, Indiana Salomonie River, 80 Sancombs. See St. Cosme, Lieut. Pierre
Sandusky, Ohio, 6 Schieffelin, Lieut. Jacob (Scheffelen, Schefflen, Schefflin, Schuffelen, Schuffiien, Sheffelin, Shuffelin, Shufflin), xxxiii, 9, 13, 49, 61, 65, 66, 70, 71, 72, 74, 78, 103, 111, 115, 116, 117, 118, 128, 132 Schenectady, New York, xix, xxiii, xxx
Sears, Isaac, xxviii Seloron. See Celeron, Jean Baptiste Seneca Indians, xxiii Shabear, Shabert. See Chabert, Lieut. Francois Joncaire
Shane, Isadore. See Chesne, Capt. Isadore
Shawanoe Road, 64 Shawnee Indians (Shawanoees, Shawanoes, Shawanous), 17, 59, 95, 117
Sheffelin. See Schieffelin, Lieut. Jacob
Shevallie, Shevallier, Shevally. See Chevalier, Louis Shicago, Shicagoe, Shucago. See Chicago, Illinois Shuffelin. See Schieffelin, Lieut. Jacob
Sinclair, Patrick, x
Son of the Tobacco, 40, 41
Stuart, John, xiii
Tennessee, ix Tennessee River, xii, xiii Teyawharunti, xxii Thompson, Mr., 92 Toledo, Ohio, xii
Van Eps, John, xxiii Vermillion River, 94 Village Angie, 84
Vincennes, Indiana (Auport, Index
Aupost, Opost, Post St. Vincine,
St. Vincenns, St. Vincens, St.
Vincent, St. Vinces, St. Vindens,
St. Vintins), ix, x, xii, xiii, xiv, xv, xviii, 7, 18, 23, 29, 41, 87, 88, 89,
97, 99, 100, 104, 106, 107, 108,
Virginia, ix, xi, xiv, 18
Wabash Indians, xi
Wabash River, ix, xii, xiv, xv, xvii,
29, 32, 33, 34, 38, 72, 76, 80, 102,
Walters, William, xviii Watts, Mr., xxvii Weatono. See Ouiatenon West Indies, xiv Wia, Wiatono. See Ouiatenon Wiggins, Mr. (Wigans, Wiggans,
Wiggens), 46, 50, 52, 54, 58, 92 Wild Beast, 38 Williams, Isaac, 6, 7, 8 Williams, William, 100 Woolfs Rapit, 14
Yellow Vermillion. See Little Vermillion River