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edited with an introduction by William A. Evans
with the assistance of Elizabeth S. Sklar
foreword by Alice C. Dalligan

Detroit to Fort Sackville, 1778-1779

Hamilton’s Surrender at Ft. Sackville, by Frederick C, Yohn

The Journal of Normand MacLeod
edited with an introduction by William A. Evans
with the assistance of Elizabeth S. Sklar
foreword by Alice C. Dalligan
from the Burton Historical Collection
published by the Wayne State University Press
for the Friends of the Detroit Public Library
Detroit, 1978

Copyright © 1978 by the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library
All material in this work, except as identified below, is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial
3.0 United States License. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.Org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/.
All material not licensed under a Creative Commons license is all rights reserved. Permission
must be obtained from the copyright owner to use this material.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
MacLeod, Normand, ca. 1731-1796.
Detroit to Fort Sackville, 1778—1779.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. MacLeod, Normand, 1731—1796. 2. Clark’s
Expedition to the Illinois, 1778-1779—Sources.
3. Northwest, Old—History—Devolution—1775-1783—
Personal narratives. 4. Soldiers—Great Britain—
Biography. I. Title.
E234.M28 1977 917.7’0V0924 77-13078
ISBN 978-0-8143-4338-8 (ebook)
Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Friends of the Detroit Public Library for financial assistance which makes possible the publication of this volume.
The publication of this volume in a freely accessible digital format has been made possible by a major grant from the
National Endowment for the Humanities and the Mellon Foundation through their Humanities Open Book Program.
Wayne State University Press thanks The Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library and
The Indiana Historical Bureau for their generous permission to reprint material in this book.

Foreword by Alice Dalligan
Historical Introduction
Editorial Note on the Text
The Journal of Normand MacLeod 1
Bibliography 135

Not since the days when Milo M.
Quaife was official editor for the Burton
Historical Collection has there been an op
portunity to publish a major item from the
collection. A bicentennial is a great catalyst,
and it provided the impetus for the Friends
of the Detroit Public Library to sponsor this
work. The manuscript was purchased at an
auction in Montreal, Canada, in 1971 with
money from the Burton Endowment Fund. It
is a small vellum bound notebook in fairly
good condition, although evidence of part of
a torn leaf indicates that some of the journal
may be missing. The writing is fairly clear
and the remaining pages intact. After one
reads the journal, however, it seems remark
able that it is so well preserved. We can only
imagine the hazards faced by the luggage in
which it traveled.
Although Normand MacLeod was a Brit
ish officer, Detroit may fairly claim him as its
own. He did not arrive in an official capacity
until 1774, but there is evidence that his
business affairs brought him here as early as
1768, so he was well acquainted with the town
before assuming the position of town major.
While not in the forefront of the action, the
fort at Detroit had an important role during
the American Revolution. Its strategic loca
tion as a British outpost made it a point of
interest to military leaders of both sides.
MacLeod’s journal describes just one of the
episodes planned within its walls.
Our gratitude for this chance to see one
of our manuscripts come to life goes to the
Friends of the Detroit Public Library and
Paul Scupholm, Executive Director. Dr. R. D.
Miles, Department of History, Wayne State
University, and the staff of the Burton
Historical Collection, particularly Joseph
Oldenburg and Noel Van Gorden, who also
prepared the index, had a hand in this
production. The editor, William A. Evans,
was a graduate student at Wayne State Uni- vii

versity when he began this work, and is now
archivist of the Health and Hospitals Govern
ing Commission of Cook County, Chicago,
This first publication of Normand Mac
Leod’s journal is a worthy keepsake from
Detroit’s history in its two hundred and
seventy-fifth year.
Alice C. Dalligan
Chief, Burton Historical Collection
Detroit Public Library

Historical Introduction
In 1783 the peace treaty that ended
the American War for Independence was
signed in Paris. But the colonies had gained
more than their independence; they had also
acquired a great amount of territory extend
ing to the Mississippi River and north into the
Great Lakes. Since 1774 most of this trans-
Appalachian west had been part of the
province of Quebec. In fact, its incorporation
into Quebec had been one of the major
reasons for colonial discontent that erupted a
year later into revolution. Under British
administration the direct control of the area
north of the Ohio River, traditionally known
as the Old Northwest, was exercised from
Detroit. In 1778-1789 Virginia, who felt she
had the best claim to the area, acted unilater
ally and sent a military expedition into the
Northwest under the frontier leader George
Rogers Clark. If successful this expedition
would reinforce Virginia’s claim to the area
and, it was hoped, at the same time reduce
the pressure of Indian attacks on the frontier
settlements. The Americans correctly felt that
the overall direction for these attacks came
from the British authorities at Detroit.
Clark recruited a small army of about
175 frontiersmen from what is today Ken
tucky, Tennessee, and western Pennsyl
vania. The first goal of Clark’s expedition was
to be the seizure of the Illinois settlements
at Cahokia and Kaskaskia on the Mississippi
and at Vincennes on the Wabash River.
These were British settlements in name
only. The inhabitants were Frenchmen,
nearly to a man. Clark was betting that any
allegiance these Illinois French paid to the
British authorities was only of the most per
functory sort. He was also armed with the
news that the Bostonnais, as the French
called all American rebels, and the mother
country France were now allies. After Caho
kia, Kaskaskia, and Vincennes, Clark would
then be in position to strike at what many

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
historians believe to be his ultimate objec
tive, Detroit.
Detroit was the headquarters of the man
many Americans of the frontier considered
one of the greatest villains of the war, Henry
Hamilton. Hamilton was the lieutenant gov
ernor of Detroit. He had taken up this post in
November 1775 after a perilous journey
through the American lines at the besieged
city of Montreal, and was the first to hold it
under the vast governmental reorganization
that took place with the passage of the
Quebec Act in 1774. The earl of Dartmouth
had appointed two other lieutenant gov
ernors in the Northwest area: Patrick Sinclair
at Michilimackinac, and Edward Abbott at
Vincennes. But it was Hamilton who was the
dominant power in the British government of
the west. Detroit was the administrative head
quarters of the Northwest, and its lieutenant
governor was the most important western
official. 1
All of Quebec province, including the
newly added Northwest, was under military
rule. 2 The civil government of Detroit was
intended to consist of the lieutenant governor
and civil and criminal courts, although these
courts were to be inferior to those at Mon
treal and Quebec. But the outbreak of the
American war prevented their establishment.
Henry Hamilton, commissioned a justice of
the peace along with his appointment as
lieutenant governor, and holding the king’s
commission as an army officer, was the real
power in the vast Northwest. Under his
direction Detroit became “the great war
emporium of the West.” 3
Hamilton’s villainy is questionable in the
eyes of many historians. He was vigorous and
authoritative, qualities generally lacking in
important British commanders during the
Revolution. He actively encouraged the Indi
ans within his area of control to pursue a
policy of continual attack upon the frontier.
The Indian attacks inflamed the frontier and
enraged the Americans. Although the war
the Indians carried on was neither more nor
less vicious than it had been for the previous
fifty years, the victims needed villains, and
Henry Hamilton became known as the “Hair
Buyer” to the American frontiersmen.
Clark gathered his forces at what is today
Louisville, Kentucky in May 1778, and in late
June started down the Ohio River. But
instead of going all the way to the Mississippi
he cut overland through southern Illinois,
taking the river settlements completely by
surprise. Kaskaskia fell 4 July, and Cahokia

quickly afterwards. Clark’s reasoning had
been correct. The French had no desire to
fight for the British, and when informed of
the Franco-American alliance became willing
partners in Clark’s expedition. Vincennes
surrendered to Clark after Cahokia’s priest
and doctor told them of the news he brought.
On 20 July Clark administered an oath of
allegiance to the French inhabitants, and with
it they ceased to be British subjects and
became citizens of Virginia.
Clark was not as benevolent with the
Indians. The neighboring chiefs were assem
bled, but the traditional policy of soliciting
their friendship and aid with presents and
promises was abandoned. Clark abruptly told
them that if they wanted peace that was all
right, but if they wanted war that was fine too.
This tactic seems to have impressed the
Indian leadership, and for the time being at
least they chose peace with the Americans.
The next step in Clark’s plan was some
how to gather reinforcements and move
against Detroit. But this would take time.
In Detroit Hamilton had received word 8
August 1778 of Clark and his incursions into
Britain’s domain. With a great and rapid
display of energy, he prepared to launch a
counteroffensive, beginning his campaign in
earnest in September 1778. His subordinates Historical
at Fort Saint Joseph (now Niles, Michigan) introduction
and Michilimackinac were informed of his
plans and ordered to gather their Indians
and militia and move down the Illinois River
in support of Hamilton’s operations. Jean
Baptiste Celoron, the son of the famous
Indian leader Pierre Joseph Celoron de
Blainville, was sent with war belts to rouse the
Indians of the Miami and Wabash to Hamil
ton’s standard.
On 24 September 1778 Hamilton
launched his advance party down the Detroit
River and into the wilderness. It was com
manded by Capt. Normand MacLeod and
consisted of about fifty militiamen, including
a master carpenter, five pairs of oxen, ten
horses, three sets of wheels, and 33,000
pounds of supplies. MacLeod and his ad
vance party had the job of preparing the way
for Hamilton’s main contingent. They would
cut wood, build storehouses, and most impor
tant, build carts and clear the way for the
arduous portage between the Miami and
Wabash Rivers.
The route took them down the Detroit
River and into Lake Erie. Skirting the west
ern shore of Lake Erie, they entered the
Miami River 4 at what is now Harbor View, xi

Journal of Ohio, east of Toledo. From there they would
Normand MacLeod proceed up the river to its headwaters at
present-day Fort Wayne, Indiana. From that
point the portage was about nine miles to one
of the tributaries of the Wabash.
Because of unseasonable dryness it be
came almost impossible to use the heavily
loaded boats efficiently as the expedition
dragged its way to the main river. Hamilton
devised the clever expedient of alternately
opening and closing beaver dams to keep
enough water in the channel to float the
boats. The boats themselves were of maxi
mum draught, laden with men, animals,
supplies and one artillery piece. By Novem
ber the expedition was on the Wabash, but by
then the weather was alternating between
freezing rain and snow. During much of the
day the men had to work in the freezing
water manhandling the boats over difficult
As Hamilton forced a tortuous way down
the Wabash, he visited various Indian en
campments and picked up more and more
reinforcements for his expedition. Ultimately
the force Hamilton commanded exceeded
600 men, of which 550 were Indians. The
time table that he had established for himself
xii called for his army to be at Kaskaskia by
mid-November. But the hostile weather and
the unusual state of the river slowed things
down considerably.
Finally in the first weeks of December the
Hamilton expedition began its final push
against Vincennes. Again contradicting the
myths of British military incompetence when
faced with the American wilderness, Hamil
ton showed a high degree of military and
wilderness ability. His Indians, aided by
British Indian Department officers, ranged
in front and on his flanks. Seemingly all the
scouts put out by the Americans were picked
up by Hamilton’s Indians. Certainly the
American commander at Vincennes, Capt.
Leonard Helm, had no idea what was about
to descend on him. Detachments were also
ordered to cover the Wabash and Tennessee
On 17 December 1778 Hamilton struck
at Vincennes. The whole operation was a
masterpiece of anticlimax. The French in
habitants, who had so quickly and without a
qualm shifted their allegiance to the Ameri
cans, now with no more hesitancy shifted
back to the British. Captain Helm, in newly
named Fort Patrick Henry, found himself in
command of a garrison of but one American.
Resistance would have been absurd and he

surrendered. Fort Patrick Henry became
Fort Sackville again; the British flag fluttered
over Vincennes again; and Lieut. Gov. Henry
Hamilton settled down to prepare for the
next stage of his operations. He also learned
for the first time that his opponent was
someone named George Rogers Clark.
Nature, as if to compensate for the
unseasonable drought which had made Ham
ilton’s passage to Vincennes so difficult, now
dumped a torrent of water on the Illinois
country. The deluge flooded the countryside
for miles around Vincennes. The British,
Indians, and French sat as though on an
island in the midst of a vast lake. Whatever
Hamilton thought of the military ability of
Clark and his Americans, it must have
seemed obvious that nothing was going to
happen in the near future. Vincennes and
Fort Sackville were like a medieval castle
surrounded by a great moat of swamp and
water, and Hamilton decided to stay where
he was for the winter. He was safe and he
could use the time further to solidify his
Hamilton felt his position was so secure
that he sent the Detroit militia home and
released his Indians to hunt until spring. He
kept eighty men who, aided by winter and
water, could hold Vincennes against any of Historical
the upstart Americans. In the spring John Introduction
Stuart, the British Indian agent in the south,
was to gather his tribes and march to meet
Hamilton on the Tennessee River. Between
the two the Americans would be driven back
across the mountains once and for all. The
only flaw in Hamilton’s plans was his failure
to appreciate the imagination and daring of
his opponent, George Rogers Clark.
When Clark, at Kaskaskia, finally re
ceived accurate intelligence concerning Ham
ilton and the situation at Vincennes, he set
about implementing his most audacious op
eration. He realized his own force, and
probably the whole American cause in the
west, was doomed if Hamilton were able to
regroup his army in the spring. As bad as
things were for Clark in the winter of 1778
79, they were not going to get any better if he
Operating on these assumptions, Clark
began to create the maximum strike force
that could be brought together in the situa
tion. He first made a warship out of a barge,
arming it with two cannon and four swivel
guns. Powered by oars, it would be able to
operate on the rivers. If this boat could go
down the Mississippi and then up the Ohio xiii

Journal of and Wabash Rivers to Vincennes, it would
Normand MacLeod provide at least some of the firepower Clark
assumed he would need to attack Fort Sack
ville. After providing the gunboat with a crew
under the command of his cousin John
Rogers and sending it on its way, Clark was
left with only some eighty Americans at
Kaskaskia. He therefore set about augment
ing his strength with French militia units
from Kaskaskia and Cahokia. This gave him
another ninety men, and with this mixed
force he set out overland to Vincennes.
George Rogers Clark’s march to Vin
cennes has become a classic of endurance and
fortitude, ranking in American annals beside
Arnold’s famous march to Quebec. The
twenty-six-year-old frontier general pro
posed to take his little makeshift army on a
march of over two hundred miles in the dead
of winter. The entire southern Illinois coun
try was a mass of frozen swamp and waist-
deep water, and the men had to sleep tied
standing to trees. After eighteen days of
intense suffering and hardship, Vincennes
was in sight. Clark’s gunboat had not arrived,
but the Virginian determined to pursue the
element of surprise. His operation was so
unexpected and stealthy that he had his force
xiv in position in the houses of Vincennes before
Hamilton and his soldiers at the fort were
even aware of it.
For two days the Americans and
French sniped at Fort Sackville and its occu
pants. Hamilton was uncertain. The French
inhabitants were again supporting the
Americans, and he was outnumbered. The
boldness of Clark’s attack made the British
commander suspect that the American force
in front of him was the advance detachment
of an even larger army. Hamilton and Clark
began to parlay. The issue was finally de
cided for Hamilton when Clark had a
group of Indian captives executed by
tomahawking in front of the fort. Hamilton
Thus Henry Hamilton’s grand plan of
western conquest came to a rather pitiful end
in a little backwoods town. To the victor
belong the spoils, and among the spoils is a
secure niche in history. George Rogers Clark
entered the pantheon of American heroes,
while Hamilton has been branded a villain.
But Henry Hamilton’s life did not end at
Vincennes. After a harsh and cruel captivity
in Virginia he was exchanged, returned to
England, and finished his career in the West
Indies, serving first as the governor of Ber
muda and then of Dominica.

Both Clark and Hamilton provided ac
counts of their respective expeditions into the
Illinois country. These accounts have been
the basis for numerous histories of the
struggle for control of the west. But in the
1970s a new account of Hamilton’s expedi
tion from Detroit to Vincennes became avail
able in the form of the journal of Capt.
Normand MacLeod. Secondary sources tell
us very little about him. He was not a star or a
major character in eighteenth-century
American frontier history. But he was a
supporting character, and the study of his life
has historic validity.
MacLeod was the former British army
officer, Indian trader, fur trader, and mer
chant from Detroit who was given command
of Hamilton’s advance party as he moved
down the river route to Vincennes. From 25
September 1778 until 22 January 1779 Mac
Leod kept a comprehensive record of events
as Hamilton’s polyglot army advanced into
the wilderness. On 22 January MacLeod was
given leave to return to Detroit, and thus he
had the good fortune to avoid being captured
when Hamilton surrendered.
Normand MacLeod seems to have been a
rather classic type created by the tumultuous
world of eighteenth-century Britain and
America, and he played his part in the
development of the American frontier. Con
sidering the conditions under which a field
journal of a military expedition was kept,
MacLeod’s seems rather literate. He appar
ently had a touch of the reporter and story
teller, and it is hard to believe that such an
able writer did not leave a more extensive
record of himself than has so far come to
light. What we know of this man forms a
badly fragmented portrait, with the largest
single piece his journal of the Hamilton
expedition. But this item covers only four
months in a long and very active life. Sadly,
there are no references to the past in the
journal. The second biggest piece that fits
into the puzzle portrait is made up of numer
ous letters a Normand MacLeod wrote to Sir
William Johnson in the late 1760s and early
1770s. All the evidence would support the
assumption that the journal writer and Sir
William’s correspondent were the same man.
But even this puzzle piece is far from perfect
because so many of the letters were destroyed
in the New York State Capitol fire of 1911.
The other pieces that contribute to the
portrait of Normand MacLeod are small and
scattered. Given these conditions, the histo
rian can either leave the pieces as they are or

Journal of he can try to make judgments and assump-
Normand MacLeod tions that will draw the pieces together into a
more meaningful pattern.
Secondary sources tell us that Normand
MacLeod was born on the Isle of Skye in
Scotland. 5 We know his approximate age
because MacLeod wrote a letter on 6 January
1780 to Captain Matthews, secretary to Gen
eral Haldimand, and said that he had “faith-
full services from the beginning of the year
one thousand, seven hundred & forty seven
in Holland, Brabant & North America to the
end of the year one thousand seven hundred
and sixty four.” 6 The British army lists show
that Normand MacLeod was an ensign in the
Forty-second Highlanders (the Black Watch)
in 1756. 7 The size of this famous regiment
was being increased prior to its sailing to
North America to serve in the war against the
French. However, a question arises about the
years between 1747, when MacLeod claims
his service began, and 1756 when we find the
first written record of it. A history of the
Highland regiments shows that when the
Black Watch was augmented in 1756 Ensign
Normand MacLeod was raised from the
half-pay list. 8 This necessarily means that he
was in service with the regiment prior to
xvi 1756. His claim of having served in Holland
and Brabant (present-day Belgium) is also
supported by the fact that in 1747-48 the
Black Watch fought there. In 1748, the end
of this period of service in the Low Countries,
the size of the regiment was greatly reduced.
It is entirely possible, and indeed probable,
that a very junior grade officer such as
MacLeod would have been placed on the
half-pay list.
MacLeod’s service in America would
then date from June 1756, when the Black
Watch arrived in New York as part of the
army under the command of Gen. Sir James
Abercrombie. Although we know nothing
about the activities of MacLeod himself, the
movements of his regiment are known. For a
year the regiment was inactive at Albany,
New York until it was taken to Halifax, Nova
Scotia. At Halifax it was to be a part of Lord
Loudon’s attempt at the French citadel of
Louisbourg, but the expedition was abortive.
Loudon was recalled and Abercrombie as
sumed command of the army. In 1758
Abercrombie began his ill-fated campaign
against the French fortress Carillon (later
Fort Ticonderoga) at the foot of Lake Cham
plain in New York.
The result of this campaign was the
slaughter of the Black Watch in one of the

most brave, futile, and asinine attacks in
British military history. General Abercrombie
threw the Forty-second Highlanders against
the prepared defensive emplacements of the
French. Most of the Highlanders never
reached these breastworks, and when the
attack was finally called off, more than half of
the men and twenty-five of the officers were
dead or wounded. Ensign MacLeod’s luck
must have held that day, for his name does
not appear on the casualty lists.
In the fall of 1760 MacLeod transferred
to the Eightieth Regiment, Gage’s Light
Infantry, and was promoted to captain lieuten
ant on 4 October. His transfer to the Eighti
eth is both logical and interesting in light of
his earlier career. Although it is popularly
believed that the British learned nothing
from their American military experience, the
creation of Gage’s Light Infantry tends to
refute that belief. The first light infantry in
the British army were the Highland regi
ments, who were drawn up on the fringe of
the formal line of battle, their purpose being
to move rapidly to wherever they were
needed and generally to harass the enemy. 9
Because of their experience in this role
Scottish units were among the most fre
quently used forces during Britain’s military
operations in America. When the Eightieth
Regiment was begun as part of General
Abercrombie’s reforms of the army, it too was
meant to be used for scouting and skirmish
ing only. In this and other ways the regiment
reflected American influence on tactical
fighting style, and in fact Americans were
used to train it. The choice of Thomas Gage
to command this special regiment was also
consistent. Gage had been with Braddock on
the Monongahela in 1775, and he could not
have failed to learn that European combat
styles were futile in the American wilderness.
The Eightieth Regiment thus displayed
both British and American influences. The
uniforms of Gage’s Light Infantry were dark
brown rather than the regulation red coats.
The coats themselves were “skirtless,” short
jackets without any lace or adornment, and
leggings were worn instead of breeches. The
officers were also expected to wash their own
clothes and carry their own gear—a radical
departure from general eighteenth-century
military practice. On the other hand, the
similarity of the Eightieth to the Highland
Regiments and their interrelationship may be
seen by looking at the officer rolls and noting
that almost all the officers of the Eightieth
had Scottish surnames. Thus MacLeod’s

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
transfer from the Forty-second to the Eighti
eth is not surprising.
Seen in retrospect, 1761, the year after
MacLeod entered the Eightieth, was a year of
great importance in his life. With his new
regiment MacLeod made his first trip to
Detroit, and while there he seems to have
made his first acquaintance with Sir William
Johnson. Sir William, the so-called Baron of
the Mohawk, was probably the single most
dominant character on the British colonial
frontier in the northern colonies. Besides
being a man of immense wealth and power,
he was also a man of tremendous ability. For
the next decade Normand MacLeod’s life was
to be closely tied to Sir William Johnson, and
the experience was no doubt a strong deter
minant of the path that life would take. Most
of what we know of MacLeod during the
period 1761-72 comes from the papers of Sir
William Johnson. 10
The two men met at the Niagara-Detroit
Indian conference of 1761. The conference
was one of the many major gatherings of In
dians that Sir William held throughout his ca
reer. Its purpose was to negotiate treaties that
would enable him to continue to exert his
influence over the Indians in frequent face-
to-face meetings. In the proceedings for the
meeting on 9 September 1761 we find “Capt
McLeod of Gages Regt.” as one of the British
representatives, along with Sir William, George
Croghan, Captain Campbell, the commander
at Detroit, and Lieut. Guy Johnson, Sir Wil
liam’s nephew, who was acting as secretary.
In letters to Jeffery Amherst and William
Walters dated 10 September 1761, Sir Wil
liam writes that “Cap’t McCloud” will return
to Niagara with all but 120 men of Gage’s
regiment to get fresh supplies for Detroit.
The following year found MacLeod in com
mand of the post at “Oswegatchy” or Fort
Ontario (now Oswego, New York), having
meetings with the Indians in that area.
Ontario was well within the domain of Sir
William Johnson, so it is logical to assume that
their acquaintance was developing. Gage’s
regiment was reduced in 1763 at the end of
war, and MacLeod again went on the half-pay
list, but when between 31 July and 3 August
1764 Sir William held a meeting with the
western Indians (the Niagara Indian Con
gress), the minutes of the meeting recorded
that “Capt Normand MacLeod of the late
80th Regt” was present, presumably as an
aide to Sir William. Thus the Scottish army
officer was moving along the path to becom
ing an American frontiersman.

A number of later references suggest
that MacLeod and Sir William Johnson had
become friends. For example, in November
1765 George Croghan wrote to Sir William
saying that MacLeod would be delivering a
large package to him from New York City.
On 4 March 1766 MacLeod wrote a friendly
letter to Sir William. By then he was living in
New York City and there was a Mrs. Mac
Leod. He was still on half-pay and needed a
job. Sir William answered that letter 15
March 1766, and although only portions of
his reply have survived, those which remain
indicate that the two men had become famil
iar. Sir William tells of trouble with his
“bowells” after an eating and drinking bout.
It is not possible from the context of the letter
to determine whether MacLeod was present
at it or not, although in light of later
references it is a good bet that he was, along
with George Croghan and Daniel Claus. Sir
William went on to ask MacLeod to get him a
new cloth for his billiard table, and also told
him that his son John had been knighted by
the king. He mentioned the Stamp Act and its
probable repeal. Finally, he sent compliments
to Mrs. MacLeod and signed himself “your
most cordial friend and wellwisher.”
A new element was added to the story in
a 23 March 1766 letter to Sir William from
Augustine Prevost at Albany:
At a meeting lately of the Fraternity, Brother
McLeod begged leave to ask the chair if he had
got a fctv lines from Sir William Johnson as had
reasoi. to think he had a great desire to be a
master, his Worship’s answer was that he had
not received any answer from brother Johnson,
but when he desires, he should think himself
honored in waiting on him at Johnson Hall if
agreeable to the Lodge which at that time was in
due form and no objection was made and as
there is a meeting Thursday the 27th thought
myself obliged to acquaint you that the consent
of the Lodge will be asked, but perhaps you
would rather greet them at Schnectady which
will be equally alike and beg an answer on the
From this we can see that Normand MacLeod
was an active Mason and thus a fraternity
brother in Sir William’s lodge. Their connec
tion was further strengthened.
Another piece of the puzzle that is the
man MacLeod was added in his next letter to
Johnson. Referring back to Sir William’s
remarks on the Stamp Act, MacLeod com
mented on the New York Sons of Liberty.
Again the letter is in poor condition, but a
portion of it reads: “[A] Lieutenant of a Man

Journal of of War lying here thought [to] liken the Sons
Normand MacLeod 0 f Liberty to My Rebellious Country men . . .
for which the libertins intend to make him
[suffer] if they can catch him.” The rebellious
countrymen of MacLeod’s reference are the
Scots who supported Charles Stuart in the
Rising of 1745. MacLeod’s overall tone is as
contemptuous of them as he is of the Sons of
Liberty, which suggests that MacLeod was
probably a Scots supporter of the Hanoveri
ans. This would also be consistent with
MacLeod’s earlier allegiance and obviously
with his later ones as well.
It should be mentioned in the way of
background that there is nothing very un
usual about this position on the part of a good
Scotsman. At the battle of Culloden, where
the duke of Cumberland crushed Bonnie
Prince Charlie’s rebellion, there were as many
Scots who fought for the Hanoverian as
fought for the Stuart. Normand MacLeod
was obviously then a Whig, or Hanoverian,
Scot in sympathy. His service in the Black
Watch, a Scottish regiment raised to suppress
rebellious Scots, would be further proof of
his persuasion.
The last extant MacLeod-Johnson corre
spondence from this period in New York City
xx is dated 14 April 1766. Between that time and
July 1766 MacLeod got his appointment as
commissary at Fort Ontario in upstate New
York. The role of commissary was originally
proposed by Sir William Johnson in his “plan
of 1764” which he had submitted to the board
of trade in the mother country. By the spring
of 1766 Johnson had received authority from
the board and begun to implement it.
The plan of 1764 envisioned Britain’s
American colonies divided into northern and
southern districts for purposes of Indian
control and trade. The superintendent of the
northern district was Sir William Johnson.
The northern district was then divided into
three subdistricts with a deputy superinten
dent in charge of each. George Croghan
commanded the western district, which in
cluded Fort Pitt, Detroit, and the Illinois
country. The middle district, which covered
Michilimackinac, Niagara, and Ontario, was
under Guy Johnson. Daniel Claus, Sir Wil
liam’s son-in-law, supervised the Quebec dis
trict. Within each subdistrict, at major posts,
were the commissaries, the superintendent’s
direct representatives to the Indians. It was to
Fort Ontario in the middle district that
MacLeod came as commissary. An interpre
ter and a smith were assigned to assist the
commissary at each post.

The basic idea behind Sir William’s plan
was that the Indian Department was to have
complete control of Indian affairs. The per
mission of the superintendent was necessary
for anyone, even the governors, to hold
meetings with the Indians. The heart of the
plan was to protect the Indians from the
traders and politicians, but thus inherent in
the plan were the seeds of its ultimate
destruction. Sir William was threatening the
trading interests and at the same time arous
ing the jealousy of the colonial political and
military leaders. Under the plan traders had
to be licensed, post bond, and present an
itinerary of the posts and towns where they
intended to trade. When a trader entered the
area of jurisdiction of a particular commis
sary he had to report to that commissary’s
post, present his license to trade and an exact
invoice of his goods, and open his packs for
inspection by the commissary. When his
business at the post was concluded the trader
had to obtain a pass from the commissary to
allow him to move on to the next post.
The commissaries set prices on trade
goods to the Indians, established and col
lected a tariff on the goods sold, and set
geographical limits to the operations of the
traders. They were also ordered to prevent
the sale of rum, swan shot, and rifled guns to Historical
the Indians. On top of these duties they were introduction
also to gather intelligence and were em
powered to act as justices of the peace. In this
last capacity they could try all civil suits that
arose between traders and between traders
and Indians. In criminal actions they were
empowered to commit persons for trial,
presumably at subdistrict level. It is interest
ing to note that in this legal context the
testimony of Indians was valid.
About the thirteen men who were se
lected to be commissaries Sir William wrote:
“The persons I have appointed as commis-
sarys are gentlemen of understanding and
character known to the Indians and ac
quainted with their dispositions.” Thus with
MacLeod’s appointment as commissary at
Fort Ontario in 1766, we may conclude that
his status as an American frontiersman was
secure. According to Sir William’s own words,
he was known to the Indians and knowledge
able about them, and there would have been
few persons in America more capable of mak
ing that judgment. As it happened, Sir Wil
liam’s judgment apparently was vindicated.
In a report of an Indian congress held 15-16
October 1766 at Ontario, at which the great
Mohawk chief Joseph Brant was the interpre- xxi

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
ter and Teyawharunti was the speaker of
Onondagas, Teyawharunti praised MacLeod:
“Sir William Johnson often told us that he
was looking for a good man to take care of us,
and all Indians in general, who may come to
this Post. He has now found one.”
Letters written after MacLeod had as
sumed his post shed light on the variety of
matters with which he had to be concerned.
For example, in August 1766 he wrote to Sir
William telling him of a visit he had had from
Pontiac. MacLeod reported that he had given
the famous chief four pounds of brown sugar
and a bottle of madeira “to make him some
toddy,” which made Pontiac very happy. But
perhaps the most interesting part of the letter
was rather prophetic.
Last night one Monsieur Dejean arrived here
from Detroit, he tells me that it’s firmly believ’d
at that place, that Pondiac is to recieve ten
Shillings sterling a day from the Crown of
Great Britain, it seems this report has been used
by his Enemys, to Create a Jealousy amongst
the Indians that will end in his ruin. The
Frenchman offered to lay me a beat [bet] that
Pondiac would be killed in less than a year, if
the English took so much notice of him.
The rest of the letter reported the petty
xxii bickering of the traders. The main issue was
the fear of one trader that another might be
given an unfair advantage in the ginseng root
trade. Ginseng root was primarily valued as
an aphrodisiac and is not one of the com
modities generally mentioned in history
books as an Indian trade item.
In the same month MacLeod again
wrote, this time mentioning that Joseph
Brant had visited him and desired that
MacLeod should have “a young Indian com
panion.” The reader is left wondering what
gender of companion Brant had in mind. In
early September MacLeod reported a possi
ble Indian uprising to Johnson. He also
mentioned that the commissary and his staff
were being treated less than graciously by the
military at the post, which confirms later
historians’ conclusions that the military ac
tively opposed the 1764 plan.
MacLeod’s activities from fall 1766 to
winter 1766-67 are difficult to.deduce from
the extant correspondence. The next letters
MacLeod wrote to Sir William were from
New York City, and it is unclear whether
MacLeod was on leave or whether he had
resigned as commissary at Ontario. A pay list
dated 9 December 1766 shows him as com
missary, but in a letter from New York 28
December 1766 MacLeod complained to Sir

William of the governor’s injustice in land
affairs. He went on to say that he was going to
write to the deputy secretary of state for
American affairs and suggest that the post of
“commissary general” for the Indian depart
ment be created. The whole tone of the letter
is disgruntled, and it may be that MacLeod
had resigned both out of frustration over his
dealings with the military at Ontario and in
the hope of obtaining land.
On 29 January 1767 Sir William wrote
to MacLeod at New York City and offered
him the post of commissary at Niagara.
This post had previously been held by Ben
jamin Roberts but Roberts now appears as
the commissary at Michilimackinac. What
MacLeod’s answer was is not immediately
known, but he and his wife seem to have
moved around. On 23 February 1767
George Croghan wrote to Johnson from
Philadelphia: “P.S: I have had Capt.
Mccloud and his Dear Little Helen of
Greece hear this three Weeks past they go
home In two Days and after a Little Rest
Proceeds to Johnson Hall Whare Me Lady I
Supose will Spend the Sumer Either with yr
honour or Capt Guy Johnson who She
Spakes in Raptures of.” There are a couple
of implications here. One is that Mrs. Mac
Leod must have been quite lovely to merit
Croghan’s “Dear Little Helen of Greece”
title and another is that when her husband
was at a frontier post she did not accom
pany him. Perhaps that is why Joseph Brant
wanted MacLeod to have a “young Indian
Whatever his original intentions, Mac
Leod seems to have spent the spring of
1767 in New York. Sir William received a
letter from him sent 27 April 1767 which
asked him to excuse his long delay in New
York. The delay must have extended
another month because 8 June 1767 John
son received a letter from John Van Eps, a
trader at Schenectady, saying he was send
ing certain items up to Johnson Hall with
Captain MacLeod. However, it becomes evi
dent in a letter dated 8 September 1767
that MacLeod had taken the new position
and was finally on the job. He writes of
“bad belts” (war belts) being circulated
among the Senecas in his area. The letter is
endorsed “Niagara, Indian Commissary.”
While in the controversial and seemingly
thankless position of commissary at Niagara,
MacLeod seems to have done a reasonably
good job. Many of MacLeod’s letters report
altercations he has been involved in while

Journal of trying to control the traders. But some of
Normand MacLeod these men seem to have appreciated his
efforts. The superintendent received the
following letter dated 22 October 1767 from
a group of Niagara traders.
Your letter under head of the 29th of May last
Subscribed to Normand McLeod Esqr. Capt.
Lieut, late 80th Regt. and Commissary of
Indian Affairs for this place and its District has
been laid before us, from which we find a
Sevear Complaint [. . . ] exhibited by the
Trading People of Canada to their lieutenant
Governor against the Several Commissarys of
Indian Afairs, impeaching them with Partiality
and several Acts, of Violence.
We, the Traders at Niagara, think, that in
justice to the above Mentioned Gentleman’s
Character it’s our Duty to Acquaint you Lieut.
Governor Charlton and the Public, that since
we have had the Pleasure of being under his
Directions, that Trade has been Carryed on
with the greatest impartiality and mildness, So
that any Complaints laid against him with Re
gard to Partiality, Acts of Violence or any
other abuse in his Office as Commissary of
Indian Affairs, is false, Malicious and
In between bouts of defending himself
from attacks by disgruntled traders MacLeod
also dispensed local folk medicine to his
patron to ease his afflictions. On 25 October
xxiv 1767 he wrote to Sir William:
I am sorry to hear that the famous springs you
have been at has not been of much service to
you. I Send you by the Bearer Daddy Farrell, a
bottle which contains a sort of Oyl taken off the
surface of a small Lake near the Caiadeon
Castle. The Indians have great faith in it for
performing all manner of Cures; it is very
penetrating, so much so, that if you rub a little
of it on the back of your hand when going to
bed, in the morning you will find it on the
inside of it, it is a fine cure for all green wounds,
for all Rheumatick pains, &ca &ca &ca it can
also be taken inwardly and a small quanitity of it
makes a good purgative. I dare say before you
have it long you will find out more of its virtues,
if it has any. I shall therefore say no more about
it only Sincerely wish it may be of service to you
should you chuse to try it, we call it here Ash,
cu, shang’s Oil that being the Name of the
person that brought it to this place.
The same letter also carries an interesting
biographical clue.
My better half thanks you for your kind
Compliments, and desires me to acquaint you
that she is very well and likes Niagara, She
hopes in a few weeks [to present] you a Godson
who shall be the ablest General who ever sway’d
[,...] Truncheon and begs you’ll accept of her
kindest Compliments and best wishes.
This passage clearly refers to the coming
birth of a MacLeod, and also implies that
Mrs. MacLeod is now accompanying her
husband to his post. Later letters show Sir

William did not get his godson but the
MacLeods did gain a daughter, probably
their first child, in either December or
November found MacLeod still be
There are now a pacel of Damn’d French
Traders on the Other side of the Lake, the
principl Man of which is Call’d Curott. I wish
we could fall on some Method of punishing
their insolence.
It seems we poor Commissarys are great Eye
Sores to the Commandants I hope they will not
have the liberty of using us in the Manner Mr.
Roberts has been trated with impunity.
Evidently MacLeod’s disgruntlement caused
Sir William to wonder what path the commis
sary intended to pursue. MacLeod explained
himself in a letter 3 December 1767:
I am very far from having the smallest thoughts
of leaving [. . . ] Service as long as I can stay in
it. My intentions are if the General will do
anything for me which he has more than once
promised to do to sell out of the Army [. . . ]
thereby recover the Money my purchase Cost.
Which general MacLeod wants help from,
however, cannot be determined from the
context of these letters. It might have been
Guy Carleton, lieutenant governor of
Quebec, or it could have been Thomas Gage,
his former commander in the Eightieth Regi
ment. As to selling his commission and
leaving the army, MacLeod either changed
his mind or was unable to make the sale as he
was not removed from the army rolls until
1787, twenty years later.
There is no more extant correspondence
from MacLeod until 12 August 1768, when
he wrote a very unhappy letter. From the
context of the letter it appears to have been to
Guy Johnson but the endorsement has been
Yesterday I receiv’d your disagreeable [letter]
which has intirely spoiled all my Schemes and
left me destitute of Bread. Yet I hope if Sir Wil
liam, can in any way employ me so as to aford a
Comfortable Living for my Wife and Family
that he will not forget me, and I hope that is still
in his power, if not, I am to be pittyed.
As to Indn News there’s none, the Comman
dant and I have not put up our Horses well
together and he is very happy at being rid of an
Indn. Commissary but sorry for the loss of his
The reason for MacLeod’s loss of his job was
not personal but rather that the government
was reorganizing the Indian Department, no
doubt in response to pressures from the

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
trading interests, the military, and the colo
nial officials. The reorganization was ex
plained in a letter dated 29 August 1768 from
General Gage to Capt. John Brown, the
commmandant at Niagara with whom Mac
Leod seems to have been at odds.
I Am to acquaint you, that a New Plan has lately
been adopted at home relative to the Manage
ment of Indian Affairs upon this Continent, the
chief alteration which it is necessary for you to
be acquinted with, is that the Management of
the Trade is taken from the Superintendant,
and is put under the direction of the several
Provinces, who are to bare respectively the
Expences attendant thereon. This Regulation
which seems intended to lessen the Expences of
the Indian Department, will render the Resi
dence of the Commissarys at the Forts unneces
sary, as they were appointed thereto for the
better Regulation of Trade only, and puts an
end to all Articles of Expence there, as none can
well offer, but for the purpose of Commerce,
with which the Commandg Officer has now
nothing to do, further than to give Protection to
the Traders, to keep up Order, and Regularity,
and to prevent the Indians meeting with any ill
treatment; You will be pleased to pay Attention
to this; And tho’ I am to suppose that Sir
William Johnson has acquainted those acting
under him, of these New Regulations, yet I
think it necessary to explain this matter to You,
in Order that no Expences whatever, may for
the future be contracted at the Fort under Your
Command, and that you may not be led to
certifie any, As from this Period no funds being
assigned for such Expences, they must of
course be rejected.
Although MacLeod’s career as an Indian
commissary was rapidly drawing to a close, it
did not end as abruptly as the tone of the
previous letters would indicate. Sir William
Johnson was still a power unto himself and
his plan was for a more gradual phaseout. On
20 November 1768 he wrote to General Gage;
You will please to recollect that Sometime ago 1
wrote you, that I thought it best not to remove
the officers of Trade too suddenly, but to
continue them to next March to give the
Colonies time to form necessary Establish
ments, otherwise they might in case of any
disturbances alledge that the removals were
made before their Legislatures had time to
make the Necessary provision, of all which you
were pleased to approve, in consequence
thereof I directed them to retrench as much as
possible but continue in office till farther
orders,—Now as they can’t possibly stay with
out provisions &ca I think it best to direct
McLeod &ca to buy [ . . . ] flour &ca to give
occasionally when Necessary until you will
please to give Orders for their receiving provi
sions till March, [ . . . ] I am on the subject I
would desire the favor of you to [ . . . ] whether
you think best that the Comissys. In-terpreters
& Smiths Should be directed to Withdraw.

As a consequence MacLeod continued on as
commissary at Niagara but was now very
much a lame duck. His letters 4 January and
23 January 1769 report to Sir William that
things are going down-hill with regard to the
traders and the military and their practices
toward the Indians. According to the account
books of the Indian Department MacLeod
continued on in an official capacity until the
end of March. But the Johnson correspon
dence shows that MacLeod was still sending
reports of Indian affairs from Niagara until
22 May 1769.
By October 1769 MacLeod was back in
New York City where he set about trying to
collect money that was owed to him. The
former commissary seems to have been un
employed and probably broke, and there was
also sickness in his family. He wrote to Sir
William 30 October 1769:
I have been Several time at the Generals House
but have not yet Seen him I Begin to think he
don’t chuse to see me untill Mr. Adams leaves
the Town as perhaps he may think that I hve
some directions from you concerning the
money Matters of your department and that
two troubling him at once when he has no
inclination to give money would be too much. I
am very Sorry that Mr. Adams is likely to return
to you without being able to bring one farthing
money with him, there’s some difference be
tween Mr. Mackivers and Mr. Watts about the
lowering of Bills which prevents both of them
from paying any Money, as to the Generals
money his pimp of a Secretary allways makes
delays. I have no News as I keep much at home
on acct. of the Sickness of my only Child.
In January 1770 MacLeod began send
ing Johnson reports of the boiling political
pot in New York. On 6 January he wrote:
The Sons of liberty have been Assembling here
several times; There first assembly was to
prevent there representatives from granting
£2000 for the use of the Troops, but they did
not Succeed as I believe the money will be voted
for by the House, they passed a bill for making
paper Money to the Amount of £20,000 which
is to be issued the 10th of June next, I am
informed that by private letters from home the
present Lt. Governor will have the manage
ment of this Province during his life and that
his Majesty should have Said that so old and
loyal a subject deserved that, if not a better
reward for his good Services. There is now
two very strong partys in this Town one
for electing the members of the House or
Assimbly by Ballot, the other for contin
uing the old Method, which of them will
carry the point is not known, but both partys
are very Sanguin, as to my part I would not give
one Copper to deside it, nor do I care one
farthing which way it may be determined, or
what side wins the battle, let the Affair be

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
desided as they please, they can never prevent
bribery and Corruption in elections, if they can,
they can do more than their Mother Country
ever could.
On 27 January 1770 he wrote to his friend
and patron again, producing what must be
considered his best letter in that it is very
informative about political matters, especially
the doings of the Sons of Liberty and Mac
Leod’s attitude toward them.
The Sons of what ever you chuse to call them
are at the present pritty quiet and I suppose
studying what mischief they’ll do when they can
get a proper opportunity. The principle people
at least two of them are known, one of them is
Called Isaac Sears, the others I do not know,
but I am informed that the Governor and
Council are come to a resolution that on the
very first disturbance that happens in the Town
them two are to be immediately secured and
prosecuted to the utmost rigour of the Law, for
being the principle abettors of the late distur
bances, I approve much of the resolve, but
would approve more of it had they resolved to
punish them without farther Ceremony, all the
People of Sense in Town rail oppenly against
them I’m Sorry I can not send you the Scandal
ous paper Signed Brutus wrote by them Block
heads and one Samuel Broom Junr. the mean
ing of the paper was to vilify the Army and to
prevent the inhabitants from employing any of
them in their stores or other ways, immediately
on the publication of Brutus, a parcel of Brutes
went to the flax Seed and flour Stores where a
number of the Soldiers were at work and
turned them all about their business upon
which the Soldiers published the paper I had
the pleasure of sending you by last post, and
yesterday the inclosed paper came out which I
think is one of the best party publications I have
seen in this place. I have this moment got the
paper Called Brutus which I inclose you, it was
the original cause of the battle fought in the
fields between the Soldiers and inhabitants,
they say it was very diverting to see the battle,
One Soldier with a dirty short cutlash driving
hundreds of the brave Yorker before him who
were better armed than him, but the unfortu
nate Soldiers who knew nothing of the riot and
were unarmed paid for it, for there’s near
twenty of them wounded the wounds of the
inhabitants are as much concealed as possible
but its thought they at least double the Soldiers.
I’m sorry Mr. Sears and some others did not
lose a pair of Ears each at least. . . .
The Sons of Liberty in New Jersey have put a
stop to the Courts of Justice in that Province,
for which Governor Franklin is resolved to do
justice to some of them. The Sons of Liberty in
this Town locked up the assembly room while
the Members were all in debate in the House
and Carryed the key away with them and they
were oblige to brake the door to get out this
happened on Friday last. The Council was in an
other room waiting for the Members of assem
bly at last their patience being worn out, they

went to enqire into the reason of their being so
tedious and found them shut in and Assisted
them in opening the door. There’s a New
liberty Pole a making which is to be put up on
friday it’s to be Cased in Iron, the Corporation
is divided whither they will allow it to be put up
or not, the fear of offending the mob will
induce them to allow it to be put up.
In early February both Mrs. MacLeod
and the child were ill. The Sons of Liberty
were putting up a new liberty pole and
MacLeod was still having money problems.
Messrs. Phyn and Ellice have this day sent me a
most surprizing accompt, which makes me
trouble you with the following request which is.
If there yet remains any of my orders upon you
in their favour unpaid, that you’ll be so good as
to stop the money in your hands untill such
time as I can clear up accompts with them, as at
present I think they use me extremely ill. If
you’ll be so good as to forward the enclosed as
Soon as posible it will add to the many obliga
tions I already lye under to you pardon the
On the 19 February MacLeod wrote express
ing his concern over his friend’s health and
giving more reports on the fortunes of the
Sons of Liberty and their poles.
Mr. Roberts arrived here some time ago with
most alarming accounts of your bad state of
health which gave great uneasiness to every
body but none so much as to Normand Mac
Leod and his little Wife, but thank god we have
since been informed of your recovery, I hope
my Worthy Friend Col. Guy is also recovered
There’s little or no news here at present what
make the greatest noise here is the Confinement
of Mr. MacDougal, and the observation
of one of the prisoner when MacDougal
was sent to jail which was, fine times indeed a
son of liberty sent to jail and the liberty pole put
in Irons, which are both facts, you have heard
before now of their Method of flinging the
Corporation who refused them ground to put
up the liberty Pole by purchasing a spot of their
own on which it is now erected in spite of them,
in consequence of there [ . . . ] I mean the
Corporation they published the enclosed adver
tisement [ . . . ] send a News paper extraordi
nary which perhaps you have not seen The
Sons of liberty have also purchased a House I
think from [ . . . ] they wanted it to Celebrate
the anniversary of the repeal of the stamp act
and to rent it but Col. Morris would not rent it
[ . . . ] what he would sell it for he answered
£600 which was [ . . . ] by 100 of them who laid
down their six pounds each There’s an other
liberty Pole put up before this House with 45
[ . . . ] on it which was put up for my Country
men to scratch themselves on. I have this
moment purchased the enclosed paper called
Junius which they tell me is a very inflammatory
piece as it is but just come out and the Post
going away I have not time to read it. I should

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
be happy in hearing from some of your good
family and I am still oneasy about your
At the very end of the letter he adds: “I am
Just now informed that the scratching Pole
for my Country men was pulled down Satur
day night not known by whom.”
By the end of February MacLeod’s let
ters reflected his growing anxiety, and show a
man greatly harassed. His family had been ill
most of the winter, he was unemployed and
in debt, his patron was in bad health and
perhaps dying, and the actions of the mob
obviously irked him. It cannot have been a
very pleasant period in Normand MacLeod’s
life, and in a letter Sir William received 12
March 1770, he seemed resolved to leave it
behind, saying: “I shall have the pleasure of
waiting upon you as soon as I can beg borrow
or steal as much money as will pay my Debts
in this Damned Town.”
One way or the other MacLeod did get
out of New York and begin a new phase of his
life. “Captn 8c Mrs. McLeod is arrived at
Albany & will be here tomorrow,” wrote
Daniel Campbell from Schenectady 10 June
1770. The MacLeods’ destination was John
son Hall, as James Rivington mentions in a
letter of 18 June. The purpose of the journey
becomes apparent in two letters from Sir
William Johnson to Goldsbrow Banyar, one
of his agents.
Col. Claus, McLeod and Roberts will be much
obliged to you for the Trouble you intend to
take in their Locations which are to be as I
before described them, with this difference
only, that, they are to Join to ye Northampton
Patent to Eastward.
Capt. Claus was of the Royal American Regmt.
Capt. Lt. MacLeod of the 80th., & Lt. Roberts
of the 46th. McLeod says he is entitled to 3000
Acres, they are verry desireous of having the
Affair finished as Soon as may be.
MacLeod was obviously after land and was
about to try his hand at farming. The land he
obtained was along the Mohawk River.
What MacLeod did with this land is hard
to determine. From the context of letters
written by him and by Sir William, it seems
that MacLeod did most of his farming on an
estate owned by Sir William. The MacLeods’
farm was at Coghnawage and things do not
seem to have gone as well as he would have
liked. There is very little correspondence
from him in the Johnson papers during this
period. That which does exist concerns vari
ous squabbles he is involved in with his

These problems may have been sympto
matic of his inability to make a go of it as a
farmer. Whatever the case, MacLeod seems
to have asked Sir William to come to his aid
again. In September 1772 Sir William wrote
to General Gage: “Your Consideration of
Capt. McLeods circumstances is very hu
mane; & I shall let him know it; he is a
Worthy Man, who stands in Need of Assis
tance, & would doubtless meet with yours if
in your power at present.” It took time, but
ultimately MacLeod’s entreaties and Sir Wil
liam’s connections paid off. MacLeod re
turned to the army and was given command
of the now almost deserted post where he had
begun his career as commissary, Fort On
tario. It appears, however, that he did not
want to return there immediately. Maj. Gen.
Frederick Haldimand received the following
letter from Sir William 15 October 1773:
I have been much sollicitted by Capt McLeod
to represent his situation to you, and the
Hardship he must suffer if oblidged to go im
mediately to Ontario, I am sensible of all this,
at the same time, I would by no means take
upon me to request any indulgence, for them
that was inconsistent with the good of the Ser
vice, but as the Season is so far advanced that
it will be in some measure impracticable for
him to dispose of his little matters, 8c remove
his Family, and that it does not seem to me
probable, that he will have much to do in ye
Winter at a Post of late Years so little fre
quented if it appears to You in the same light, I
dare say You will take his Circumstances into
Consideration, However I could not avoid
saying something in behalf of a Gentleman who
with a verry good character has been so
Haldimand replied on the twentieth of the
same month:
The turbulent turn of mind of the Indians in
General had made it necessary in my opinion,
that Captain McLeod shou’d be at Ontario, that
any Material intelligence might be Transmitted
you and me, with more Expedition, but since
you interest yourself in his favour and don’t see
his stay at Ontario, in the same light that I do, I
shall consent to his remaining with his Family
till next Spring when it will be proper that he
shou’d be glad to serve Captain MacLeod being
a Gentleman for whom I have a particular regard.
The last letter in the Johnson papers
concerning MacLeod is dated 20 January
1774. It was written to one John MacLeod,
who may have been Normand’s uncle, but the
identification is uncertain. Sir William’s life
was nearly at an end but his friendship for
MacLeod still was strong, and certainly it
would be hard to imagine that MacLeod ever
had a friend who did more for him.

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
xxx ii
Your [ . . . ] Capt MacLeod came to my hands
last Summer just as I was setting out for the Sea
Side for the benefit of my health, which
prevented me from answering it at that time &
occasioned its being mislaid till the other day.
I am now to thank you most kindly for your
very friendly Letter and favorable preposses
sions of me. Assuring you that the accot. I have
of yourself is a Sufficient inducement to me to
Cultivate your friendship especially as I have a
great Esteem for Capt MacLeod who is a
Worthy Man and one I am always disposed to
Serve. I had it in my power for some time to do
so, & much regret that occasion does not now
offer for doing it more effectually, he has been
lately appointed Commandt. of Fort Ontario
with a Sally, of 5sStr. a day, 8c has been
indulged to Continue on a Farm of mine
(where he has resided some time) until this
Summer. I hope he may continue to Experi
ence the regard of his friends as his Finances
require it, my cooperation in any thing for his
advantage shall not be wanting whenever op
portunity offers.
Perhaps it was Sir William’s failing health
and death that same year, or perhaps his lack
of success in the Indian service and at
farming, but whatever the reason, MacLeod
left New York and his previous life and
moved to Detroit. How MacLeod financed his
establishment in the west we do not know. It
is not inconceivable that he sold his land in
New York. Somehow he and his family got to
Detroit and MacLeod set up as an Indian
trader. On 14 April 1774 Normand MacLeod
was one of the nineteen men and firms in
Detroit who signed an agreement setting up a
“general Rum Store” and stating that “no
Indian should have more than one glass at a
time.” 11 Signing along with MacLeod were
merchants of great importance in the history
of eighteenth-century Detroit: Gregor Mac
Gregor, Simon MacTavish, Alexander
Macomb, and William Edgar.
Along with his business MacLeod also
served in a military capacity. In 1777 he was
appointed town major, the chief executive
officer of the garrison, but in a garrison town
such as Detroit was at this time, the office may
also have had a civil role equivalent to that of
mayor. 12 By this time of course the war was
going on, and MacLeod’s duties seem to have
been primarily with the militia, with overlap
ping administrative duties in the garrison. In
the Hamilton expedition of the following
year, MacLeod drew his pay on the rolls of
the Detroit Volunteer militia. 13
McLeod of course was one of the more
fortunate members of the expedition because
he received leave to return to Detroit and did
so just prior to Clark’s arrival and Hamilton’s

surrender and captivity. Sharing in Mac
Leod’s good fortune in being out of Fort
SackviUe at its capitulation was Alexander
McKee, the famous Tory Indian leader.
MacLeod wrote to him in April 1779 con
gratulating him and making some interesting
observations on the Detroit militia and condi
tions in Detroit in general.
Dear Sir Permit me to express my happiness for
your leaving Fort Sackville the Seventh of
February, by which you have escap’d sharing
the unlucky fate of the Lieut. Governor Major
Hay and Lieut Schiefflin who was made pris
oners fifteen days after your departure with
twenty of the 8th & the two artillerymen with
the loss of four men killed & 6 wounded we
hear the Volunteer Company refus’d to fire a
Shott at the Enemy, for which reason Lamothe
& them are prisoners at large.
I am Heartily sory for the Governor and am
much afraid he will be ill treated by the
populace, The return of the vessel sent to Fort
Erie last week is daily expected by whom Capt.
Lemoult expects a reinforcement Our Garrison
at present consists of one Hundred & twenty
Officers included and our New Fort is carried
on briskly under the directions of Lieut. Duver-
net three Bastions is almost finished. I hope to
have the pleasure of seeing you soon in this
place. 14
A small controversy developed in 1779 as
to MacLeod’s role as town major and gener
ated some interesting correspondence. The
first is a letter from General Haldimand to
Major de Peyster, the commandant at De
troit, and is dated 30 August 1779.
Lieut. Governor Hamilton not having had
Authority to empower him to appoint a Town
Major at Detroit Mr MCLeod cannot be admit
ted as such, there being no establishment of the
Kind for the Upper post, which is the only
reason for my discontinuing Mr. McLeod’s of
whome I have had a favorable character. 15
MacLeod responded in a letter to Captain
Mathews, General Haldimand’s secretary, 6
January 1780:
Sir, A few days after Major Depeyster’s arrival
at this place: he read me a paragraph in a Letter
from His Excelly General Haldimand, wherein
he says, Whereas Lieut. Governor Hamilton
made an appointment of Town Major which he
had no authority to do, that he could not
continue Mr. MacLeod notwithstanding he
heard he was a good man, as there was no
appointment as yet made for the Upper Posts,
on which I reply’d that His Excellency never
continued me, he then desir’d I would explain
myself, I told him that as I found that Generals
Carleton and Haldimand had not approved of
said appointment that I never took the pay that
was drawn for me, altho’ offer’d repeatedly, &
beg’d he would do me the Justice to acquaint

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
His Excellency therewith. But being fearfull
that he may forget, I make bold to give you that
trouble 8c depend much upon your friendship.
If ever such an appointment should take
place, that you will lay in my claim, if faithfull
services from the beginning of the year one
thousand, seven hundred & forty seven in
Holland Brabant & North America to the end
of the year one thousand seven hundred and
sixty four should merit any prefferences with
his Excellency 16
With the war drawing to an end and
conditions in Detroit in doubt, MacLeod
prepared to uproot again. In July 1782
records show he was still in Detroit; the
survey or census of Detroit in 1782 shows that
Normand MacLeod’s family consisted of him
self, his wife, one female child, one female
slave, and two cows. 17 But by December of
that year the documents all originate from
The records of the great fur-trading
organization, the North West Company,
show that in 1783 MacLeod entered into
partnership with John Gregory. The firm,
Gregory, MacLeod and Company, was ab
sorbed by the North West Company in 1787
with MacLeod a silent partner in the later
firm. In 1790 he sold his interest in the North
West Company and in 1796, in Montreal, he
died. 18 If we assume Normand MacLeod
began his army career at the usual age of
sixteen, then he would have been born in
1731 and thus have died at sixty-five.
Had MacLeod never lived it is hard to
imagine that the course of history would have
been greatly different. What makes his life,
his letters, and his journal valid for study is
that they show us the thread of the normal
and average in the web of history. To study a
George III or a Washington is fascinating,
but theirs can hardly be considered typical
lives. To study a MacLeod shows us an
average life of ups and downs, false starts,
small personal tragedies, irritation, anger,
and happiness. It is a life most of us can
understand. But he also left a record of his
participation in events of great magnitude in
the history of Detroit and of America. Be
cause MacLeod was born Scottish and died
Canadian it must not be forgotten that he was
also a Detroiter, and for most of his life an
American. His loyalties and interests placed
him on the losing side, but it would be a
disservice to our history if we did not recog
nize his experiences as being as authentically
American as those of the winners in the
American War for Independence.

1. Nelson Vance Russell, The British Regime in Michigan
and the Old Northwest, 1760-1796 (Northfield, Minn.:
Carleton College, 1939).
2. Clarence E. Carter, Great Britain and the Illinois
Country, 1763-1774 (Washington, D.C.: The American
Historical Association, 1910).
3. Russell, British Regime, p. 186.
4. Maumee and Miami are the same thing; Maumee is a
phonetic spelling of the Indian pronunciation of Miami
5. William Stewart Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to th
North West Company, Publications of the Champlain
Society, no. 22 (Toronto, 1934), pp. 481- 82 (hereafter
cited as North West Company Documents).
6. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, 40 vols.
(Lansing, Michigan: 1874-1929), 10: 375.
7. Edmund B. O’Callaghan, ed.,Documents Relative to tlu
Colonial History of the Stale of New York, 15 vols. (Albany:
Weed, Parsons Sc Co., 1853-87), 8: 228.
8. John S. Keltie, A History of the Scottish Highlands,
Highland Clans, and Higland Regiments, 2 vols. (Edinburgh
and London: A. Fullarton Sc Co., 1879), 2: 336.
9. J. W. Fortescue, A History of the British Army, 10 vols.
(London: Macmillan Sc Co., 1899), 7: 591.
10. Sir William Johnson, The Papers of Sir William Johnson,
ed. James Sullivan, Alexander C. Flick, Almon W.
Lauber, and Milton W. Hamilton, 14 vols. (Albany:
State University of New York, 1921-65). All sub
sequent quotations, unless otherwise noted, are from this
11. Silas Farmer, The History of Detroit and Michigan
(Detroit: S. Farmer Sc Co., 1884), p. 837.
12. Wallace, North West Company Documents, pp. 481-82.
13. Michigan Pioneer Collection, 9: 484.
14. Ibid., 10: 283-84.
15. Ibid., 9: 633.
16. Ibid., 10: 374-75.
17. Ibid., p. 608.
18. Wallace, North West Company Documents, pp. 481-82.

Editorial Note on the Text
Both MacLeod’s spelling and his
punctuation are idiosyncratic and inconsis
tent by modern standards. Frequently he
spells the same word several different ways,
particularly in the case of proper names.
(The name Gown, for example, appears as
Gawin, Gowen, Gowan, and Gown.) It is per
haps possible to detect MacLeod’s Scots pro
nunciation in certain spellings, such as nare
for near or consither for consider. His capitaliza
tion also is erratic; while he frequently em
ploys lowercase letters at the beginning of
sentences, he tends to capitalize insignificant
words, apparently at random. A minimum of
punctuation is found in the journal. The
most frequent mark is the dash, while Mac
Leod uses the comma and period sparingly
and never employs the quotation mark, ques
tion mark, or colon. Only one semicolon
appears, and it is probably an accident of
penmanship. The apostrophe appears exclu
sively in contractions, particularly in the past
tense of regular verbs; it never occurs in the
possessive case.
For the most part this text reproduces as
faithfully as is consistent with clarity the
features of the original, including pagination
and lineation. MacLeod’s grammar has not
been tampered with, and his spelling and
punctuation have on the whole been pre
served. The following principles have been
followed for spelling, capitalization, and
1. Spelling errors obviously the result of
carelessness or haste have been silently
2. Uppercase forms have been provided
for the initial letters of all sentences and for
proper names.
3. The modern letters has been substi
tuted for MacLeod’s obsolete eighteenth-cen
tury form.
4. Editorial discretion has been exercised
in instances of ambiguous letter formation.

Journal of
Normand MacLeod
5. Full stops have been provided for all
complete sentences.
6. Occasional commas have been pro
vided to separate items in a series and to
make phrase and clause divisions.
7. Colons have been provided to intro
duce lists or quoted letters and speeches.
8. Superscript abbreviations and other
words added above the line have been
brought down.
9. All abbreviations have been preserved
with the exception of the superscript for
pound as a unit of weight or volume, which
has been brought down and emended to lb.
Accidental features of the text such as blot
ting, deleted words or phrases which do not
affect the sense, inadvertently repeated
words, and extraneous marks have not been
noted. All other editorial emendations and
explications appear in brackets. (Purely tex
tual emendations appear in Roman, editorial
comments in italic.) These consist chiefly of
conjectural readings of blotted words or
letters and clarification of possibly confusing
spellings. In cases where such a spelling
appears more than once, the word is expli
cated only on its first appearance.
MacLeod’s journal has survived almost
two centuries reasonably intact, particularly if
one considers the hazardous conditions
under which it was written. As we now have
it, it begins in the middle of MacLeod’s entry
for 25 September 1778 and breaks off at the
entry for 22 January 1779. Because the
expedition left Detroit 24 September and
MacLeod was given leave to return there 22
January, it seems likely that no more than one
or two pages are missing. On the back of the
journal, very possibly in MacLeod’s hand, are
written the latitude and longitude of Detroit
and the latitude of Niagara; what appears to
be a different hand has written Maire

The Journal of Normand MacLeod
25 September 1778 to 22 January 1779

25—26 September 1778
about three in the afternoon it began to rain.
Care was taken to have Every thing well coverd
and at nine oClock mounted a Guard Consist
ting of one Officer one Serjeant & 15 men. [Continu]
-all rain all this Night
This morning I Permited some men to go ahunting. One
of which Spocke with an Indian who came from Otter Creeck 1
and told him that he had seen two Frenchman
there with a Canoe and said they came from the Miam[i]
Town 2 with the Frenchman calld the black Ribbon 3
who had that morning gon by land to Detroit to aquaifnt]
the Governor 4 that the Virginians had sent a Belt 5
to the Miami Indians. A little after Sun Set the
wind a bated and I Propos’d going as fare as Point
or River of Rocks 6 as we had moon light. But my
Companions Messers. Loran & Gowin 7 said the wavefs]
Run still high and that it was dangerous going in
the night with so manny pirogus 8 in case the wind
shoud rise, which happen’d to be the case for it began to
1. Also called Otter River, it is located between the Rai
sin and the Maumee rivers and flows into Lake Erie.
2. Chief town of the Miami Indians, one of the main
tribes of the Wabash Indian group. It was located near
present-day Fort Wayne, Indiana, at the junction of the
Saint Joseph and Saint Mary’s rivers, and consisted of
two villages and the houses and stores of several traders.
(Notes continued on p. 4)

The main village was Kekionga, the home of Pacane,
head chief of the Miamis.
3. Probably Charles Beaubien's Indian name. Beaubien
was an interpreter to the Miami Indians; earlier in 1778
he was one of the leaders of the Shawnee war party that
captured Daniel Boone and brought him to Detroit. He
was one of the men that left Vincennes along with Mac
Leod just prior to its capture. Also Bobian, Bobean, and
4. Henry Hamilton.
5. Wampum belts were used to convey messages, which
in this case was one of war. The recipient could either
accept or reject the belt.
6. Riviere aux Roches, present-day Rock River, is lo
cated between the Huron and the Raisin rivers, and
flows into the western end of Lake Erie.
7. Nicholas Lorrain, storekeeper at the Miami Town; Lt.
Charles Gouin, Detroit Volunteer Militia, whose brother
Nicholas was also on the expedition. Also Gowen, Gawin,
Gown, and Goun.
8. Large open boats, frequently made from hollowed
tree trunks.

26-27 September 1778
Blow a bout eight oClock. At nine we [saw] a Sail Pass
the mouth of the River whch we haild but would
not come too, upon which I order the Boat after
them, And was brought bake [back] about an hour
afterwards. I found they were the two men that the Indian
spock with at Otter River. They confirmed what the Indian had
said, and told me that Mr. Bobian was the Person
that had gon to Detroit. I keepd them all night.
The Guard this night as usual
I wrote a letter this morning to G. Hamilton and an
other to Mrs. MacLeod which I sent by the two men
that came from the Miami Town. At nine the
wind abated and we Embark’d at twelve oClock. The
wind began to freshen and we was oblig’d to Put in
under Point Raisin. 9 Calmd, at three oClock & Sett
off. Arrived at Point O Shain 10 at ten in the Evening.
Guard as usual
9. Located at the Lake Erie mouth of the Raisin River.
10. Pointe au Chene, located at the north side of the
Maumee River where it enters Maumee Bay.

28-29 September 1778
It began to rain this Morning at half after three, &
Continued till twelve, when I order the Loadings
to be examined But found nothing damaged. Only
a few bags of Flour had got a little wate [wet]. I then
desired the men to dry there own Nesessarys 11 which
was much wanted. At half after one we left Point
oShain and Arrived at the Point Oposite Island
Giete 12 at half after five, we had a Strong head
wind all this day. The usual Number on Guard.
Continual rain all this day, from about 2 oClock
in the Morning till 7 in the afternoon, much about
this time we heard a Bell and People driving Cattle.
I order three men to go and Stop them & bring their
Commander to Camp; that I might speak with him.
About eight they brought two Frenchmen with them
who told me they were driving Cattle belonging to
Mr. Isaac Williams from Sandusky to Detroit
11. Necessaries, the soldiers’ personal gear.
12. Probably one of the small islands in Lake Erie near
the mouth of the Maumee River.

29-30 September 1778
and that Isaac Williams two Sons was along with
them. I ask’d them if they heard any news along
the Road, they Answer’d that Alexr. Elair told them
that he had met Mr. Bobian within a days Ride
of Detroit and that he told him, he must have one of
his horses as he was going Express to aqua[i]nt the Governor
that the Virginians was acoming to auPort, 13 three
Thousand in number, & that Belts had arrived from
them at the Miami Town before his departure, &
that he was of opinion, the Indians there was going
to Join them. They like wise told me that Elair
had lost a horse, Upon which I orderd them to stay
all night as I intended to take two of their horses
from them to replace the other two. Guard as usual.
This morning I order’d all to Embark about 7oClock
and Proceed to the foot of the Rapits and there wait if
they found they could not get farther But if there was
any Posobility to get a long to Proceed their Rout. A But [about]
Same time I order’d Messrs. Lorin & Gowin to go and
Chouse the two best horses amongest them that I had Stopd.
On their arrival with the horses I gave the men an Order
13. Or Opost, an early name for Vincennes.

30 September 1778
on Mr. Hay 14 for the Payment of them, they were vallued at 250 cash. And then wrote
the following Letter to the Governor
The bearer of this informd me that Mr. Bobian
on his way to you took one of the horses Sent from Detroit
and that one is Since lost, which induc’d me to take two
of Mr. Williams to replace them, Being well informd that
the Service wanted the number Sent first. I have been
Like wise told that he makes no Secret of telling every
Indian & white he meets that there is no less than three
Thousand Virginians at the Misisipee and that
Belts had arrived from them at the Miami Town before
his departure, and that he was of opinion they were
going to join them. I expect to be at the foot of the
Rapits in two hours hence, and Mr. Gowan will go
Immediately off for the Miami Town. I have the honor
to be Sir your most Obedt. Servt.
After which we Sett off and Arrived at the foot of the
first rapit about Eleven oClock. Got about 2 miles
farther when Mr. Loren informd me that it was
14. Maj. Jehu Hay, MacLeod’s commanding officer in
the Detroit Volunteer Militia, second in command to
Hamilton. He began his career as an officer in the Royal
American Regiment and served as Indian Commissary
at Detroit while MacLeod held similar posts at Ontario
and Niagara.

30 September 1778
Necessary to Stop and have all the Flour landd in
Order to dry Such bags as had got wet as that
would Sower all the rest. I therfor Orderd the whole
to be Unloaded, Mr. Gowin with one Carpenter
departed for the Miami Town about half after
one oClock; it began to rain about 2, and half
an hour after Mr. Bobian Arrived with young Mr.
Schefflin 15 who told me, he had Orders to Put himself
under my Command, Mr. Bobian Said that he had
Orders from the Governor to take Mr. Schefflen a
long with him, But I thought it would be tou
fatiguing for him and Accordingly desired him
to Stay a long with me, Upon which Mr. Bobian
Departed, Smittering Rain all this afternoon
Prevented our dry the bags or geting farther.
I therfore desired them to Encamp and order’d
the usual Guard to mount
15. Lt. Jacob Schieffelin, Detroit Volunteer Militia; he
was captured with Hamilton, but in 1780 he escaped
from jail in Williamsburg, Virginia, and made his way to
British-held New York City. Also Schefflen and Shuffelin.

1-2 October 1778
October 1st 78
As it had rain’d all night and till Eliven oClock
this forenoon I was Advised by Mr. Lorin to Stay 8c
have the Bags of Flour and the mens Necessarys
dryed. At 12 fair weather, at 3 got every thing Pretty
dry. At which time I order them to load & Push on.
At 6 the 4 formost Pfirogues] Arrived at Prisquill 16 and
Not with standing the weather Promisd Very fair a
Little before this, all on a Sudint it began to thun
-der & Lightning Accompanyd at same time with such rain as
quit[e] dround our fires. The 4 Sternmost Pirogus
was obligd to Stop at the foot of the Rift and
it was 9 [?] oClock before I got the other twelve togeth
-er. Every man as wet as water could make them
and Could not make as much fire as Cook
the mens kettles.
The Rain Still Continued all this day with
dificulty Boild Some Victuals. At eight in the
Evening fair weather, mead [made] good fires for the night.
Guard as usual.
16. Presque Isle; the term means “peninsula,” and was
10 applied to many places that jutted into a lake.

3-4 October 1778
Presquille Octr 3d 78
Faire weather all this day un loaded the Priogus
and dryd our Flour, Bearskins & other Covering.
Loaded again at l A hafter five in the Evening
Mounted the usual Guard and Sleeped all night.
Octr 4
At two this Morning Nicolas & Charles Gowen
arrived at our Camp with the Carpenter that
was Sent with Mr. Gown from the foot of the Rapits
and a Miamie Indian, who told me that Mr.
Seloron 17 had Arrived at the Miamie Town before they
departed from thence and that 2 hundred Virginians
and 2 hundred Frenchmen was within a days
March of Owia 18 before Mr. Seloron came away
and that a Pace [peace] belt and a Warr belt was from
them arrived at the Miamie Town before
Mr. Nicolas Gowen left that Pla[ce]. They
Stayed with me till about Six oClock
Gave them a man to assist them as the younger Gowen was sick.
Gave them Some Provisions and wrote the
following letter to the Lieut. Governor 19
17. Jean Baptiste Celoron, the son of the famous Pierre vance into the Ohio valley, thus precipitating the French
Joseph Celoron de Blainville who led the French ad- (Notes continued on p. 12)

and Indian War. Jean Celoron was the British Indian
agent at Ouiatenon, and was considered to be so effec
tive at holding the Indians to the British cause that
Clark sent out a special expedition to dispose of him.
Celoron fled, but Hamilton never forgave him and sus
pected him of being a double agent. Also Siloron.
18. Another name for Ouiatenon, the main village of
the Wea tribe of the Wabash Indians. It was a large
trading post located about halfway between the portage
on the Maumee River and Vincennes. Also Wia.
19. Edward Abbott, headquartered at Vincennes.

4 October 1778
Presquille the 4th October 78-
On my Arrival at the foot of the Rapits four
Days ago Mr. Gowen took his departure for the Miamie
Town, and three days Continual rain Prevented my
Geting any farther than Six miles Since then
This morning about two oClock Mr. Nicholas Gowen arrived
here on his way to you, and his Brother being un well
Return’d along with him. But forwarded your Spetch [speech]
to the Indians with the Strings of wampum, by Mr.
Bobean, who is gon forward; My People is quainted
with the News Mr. Gowan brings, And they Receved it
in Such a manner as makes one a fraid that I will
gain no honor by being their Commander, Messers.
Loran, Gaffie and Young Schefflen being the only
Person I can depend on When I arrive at Rush de
-beaut 20 I will order the Cattle to go on, & Endevour
to have them Encamp along with me every night
I have the honor to be
Sir Your most huble Servt.
Normd. MacLeod
As Soon as it was clear day light we Embarked, And
20. Rocher de Bout, a rocky projection into the Mau
mee River.

4 October 1778
Arrived at Woolfs Rapit about Vfc After three in the
afternoon, a little afterwards Patrick Magluskie
and Captain Magies 21 boy arrived who told me that they had
an other man along with them But left him at the
foot of the Rapits with 19 [?] horses. And that they came
after me to get Provisions, as they had non for three
days Past. I ask’d them where they had left Captn.
Magie they Said at Moguagors [?]. 22 They likewise told
me that Lieut, la Presnier de Render 23 with 13 mens
Came along with them. And Said they had a man
Droun’d a Crossing the River Huron. Mr. deKender &
his men was Very much in want of Provisions & beg’d
I would [sen]d them some. After this I order’d the
People to Encamp a little above Mr. McDrums [?] house
and orderd Mr. Loran to Issue three days Provisions to
Magluskie and his two men. I then got a tent from Said
Magluskie; And took ten Bear Skins from Mr. Daniel
Bowen for which I gave a recept, then Ordered the
Guard to mount as usual C:S: Hamilton 24
21. Magie is probably Alexander McKee, the famous
British Indian leader, at this time a captain in the In
dian Dept.
22. Possibly Monguagon, now a township in Wayne
County, Michigan.
23. One of the De Quindres, probably Francois, Sieur
de la Picanier. There were three lieutenants named De
Quindre on the Hamilton expedition, all in the Indian
Dept.: Fontiney, Francois, and Ponchartrain. Fontiney
captured Daniel Boone. Also de Kender, de Kander, de
Kaint, de Kent, and de Quandre.
24. C:S: stands for “countersign.”

5 October 1778
October the 5th 78
This morning when I was ready to embarke Alexander
Elair came to me and Said that neither he nor any of his men
had any Provisions, that they had lost all thier Bisquits
a Crossing the River. This is the man that was Sent from
Detroit as guid with the 5 Pair of Oxen & the ten horses.
The Same day I left that Place, knowing that there was
a Great dalle [deal] of rain fell I thought his Story was true.
Therfore Order him and his four men two days flour
But no Pork as I know the rain would not damage
it On this I was immedately Sorounded by my own
Party Some of whome told me that they had lost thier
Bread owing to the bad Covering they had for their
Periogues. This I know to be Very true And therefor order’d
them 45 lb. flour. Half after eight embark’d & Proceeded
on our Voage. At 12 Lieut, de Kander overtook me.
We din’d together and at one oClock Sett off again.
Arrived above the Great rapits 25 a little after three.
Half an hour after Mr. Ainslie 26 and Mr. de Renders
Party Arrived who complaind of the want of Provisions
25. Probably near the present-day town of Grand Rap
ids, in Wood County, Ohio.
26. Amos Ansley, a master carpenter.

5-6 October 1778
I then Ordered my Party to Encamp and Mr. Loran
Issued one days Provisions to Mr. de Render & his 13 men.
I then Ordered Mr. de Render and Party with Elair &
his 4 men to encamp at some little distance below us
and during the night to keep three Centrys upon
the road and the Cattle betwixt the Centrys and River
and in case of an alarm in the night to Join me
Immediately with all his Party. C.S. for this night
Detroit 1 forgot to mention a man I left at Mr.
Bowens this Morning that had been Several days Sick.
He was Victualed to the 11th Instant
This morning Embarked at Seven oClock and at three Arrived
Neare the Island Beman. And half an hour after a Boat
[with] four of the men that was with Mr. Fontaney de Render
[agaijnst Fort Boon 27 Arrived at Camp came from the Miami
[Town] the 4th Instant and brought me a letter from Mr. Bobian
Setting forth that things was not as bad there as he Imagind
at his departure from me, two miles above the first Rapit.
Likewise mentioned that he had Spoke with all the Indians
thire and with the French also And that all of them Seemed
[to] be well disposd, And wished the Governors Arrival. He further
27. Possibly a reference to the fort at Boonsborough the Kentucky River in present-day Fayette County, Ken-
erected April 1775, located about sixty yards south of tucky. It was often under attack by Indians.

6 October 1778
Said that he had Sent to the Shawnnoues 28 to come as Soon
as they could. He beg’d I would send Lieut, de Render and
all his Party to forward the Necessary workes before we
arrived. I forgot to mention that I mett Mr. Seloron at
nine oClock this morning on his way to meet the governor
in a Periogue with three men. He told me that he was Present
at the Wia when one Mr. Dequanic 29 Indian Interpreter for the
Rebels Arrived there, the day before he came away. Mr.
Dequanic and the few that acompanyd him Said
that they came to Speak with the Indians and that they
had two belts for them, the one was for Pace [peace], the other for
Warr, and that the Indians might take their Choice, that
they were Prepar’d for them. On which Mr. Seloron desired
they might meet in his house, which they agreed to. Mr.
Seloron heard every thing that was Said at this meeting
and took a Copy of the whole which he Carries to
the Governor. Mr. Seloron farther sais that he Recived
a letter Since his departure from a Servant of his
who informs him that One James Rogers 30 at the head
of 200 Virginians & 200 French Arrived at Wia the
28. Shawnee Indians.
29. Possibly Ambroise Dagenet, a pro-American Vin
cennes merchant.
30. Probably Lt. John Rogers, cousin to George Rogers

6 October 1778
Day after he Said Siloron came away, their Commander
One Colonel Clark, or Some Such name had Stayd at Post
St. Vincine, 31 and that One Miate Cardinale 32 had Rais’d
a Company there of which he himself was Captain and
was Along with those that Arrived at Wia. It Seems they
Desired the Indians to keep quite, as the Present warr
did not Concern them. Mr. Seloron likewise told me
that one Mr. Bollon from the Ilinois went to Virgina
In order to bring troops to Garrison that Place
The 2 men being only Victualed to this day I ordered Mr. Loran
to Issue five days Provisions to the whole. My Party
is now 72 men myself Included. After this the Camp
was form’d. The Guard as last night
C:S: Lernoult. After this I wrote the following
Letter to the Goverenor:
Camp at Island Bima 6th. Octr 78
At nine oClock this Morning I mett Mr. Seloron on his
way to you And by what he Says I am Convinced of the
Truth of Mr. Go wens news On receiving the enclosd at half
three, I ordered Lieut, d Render with one man & two
31. A variant name for Vincennes, which was also called was killed fighting against the pro-British Indians under
Saint Vincent’s or Post Vincent. Little Turtle in 1780.
18 32. Millet Cardinal, who was actively pro-American and

6 October 1778
horses to make themselves ready to sett off to morrow
Morning for the Miamie Town, leave there horses there,
take a Cannoe from thence, and come & join me as Soon
as Posible. On hearing of this Messrs. Loran & Ainslie
offered themselves. And I am Very happy they did as I
think they will execut that busness better than the
others. I intend going on Sloly Untill I meet them
which I am Sure will be four days hence. The Men
that carrys you this had their Boat full of Packs
belonging to Mr. Bobian. And I ordered them to
leave them Stored at Mr. Bowans and go in there
Empty Boat till they meet you. And I thought it
might be Necessary to lighten Some of yours
I have the honor to be
Sir Your most Obdt. Servt.
Normd MacLeod
A little after I had closed the above letter one J. Petty
of my Party cut his foot with an Ax on which I orderd
the Boat to Stay till Morning & take him along with them.

6-8 October 1778
The four men was Served three days Provisions. And
Petty had five as he had recived his before they cam.
Wrote a Letter to Mrs. MacLeod.
At day break the Boat went off, and we embarked Vz
Past Six. Messers. Loran & Ainslie took thier depar
-ture at the sametime. Arrived at the Pei Pla 33 at
three oClock. And as I found it Convenient for
our encampment having so manny horses & Oxen
I ordered the whole to halt and Encamp.
Guard as Usual. C.S. Montreale
Embarked at Seven oClock this morning Weather
Very fogie till about 11 oClock. A Very Strong water
for three Leagues. The black bass is so Plenty in
this River that Several have jumped into the
Periogues. This happen’d there three or four days.
On my Arrival at the Grand Glase 34 at one
oClock, the Indans on each Side the River turned
out 8c Saluted us in their Usual manner. A little
above the Indian Houses, finding it convenient
33. The pays plat, the flat country about twenty-five
miles from the mouth of the Auglaize River.
34. Grande Glaize River, present-day Auglaize River,
the principal tributary of the Miami.

8 October 1778
for the Cattle & Perogues I order the whole to encam[p].
About half and hour after the Chief & 16 of his
followers came & gave me thier hand. After they were
Satted [seated] I fill’d my Cacumett 35 and Sett it round.
The Chief then advised me as follows, I am Glad
to See you here So is my Young men. I heard you
was Coming therefor Sent Some of my Young men a
Hunting to kill Deer to make you Soop, the wea
-ther being tou warme the Vennison would not keep.
I am Sorry for it however I brought you a
Side it is all I got. But Should you make any
Stay you Shall have more. He Said he heard
the Great man 36 was Coming. And that he hoped he would
bring them a little of his Milk 37 and Some Tobacco to
Smoak as they intended Not to go from home till
he Arrived. I said it was 16 day Since I left
Detroit and that I was like themselves that I drank
my Bottle the day before my departure But never
Carried any along with me when I went to Warr,
35. Calumet, or Indian pipe.
36. Henry Hamilton.
37. Liquor.

8 October 1778
that the weather was Very bad most of the time Since
I came away. And that I heard the Road was not
Clear, that I Sent the French [at] dusk [?] with a Young
Englishman away yesterday to See if the Road
was Still open to the Miamie Town
and that I intend to go on Sloly till I mett them.
I then got two Bottles Rum indeed it was all I had.
I told them that that was all the Rum I had got And
that I was Very Glad to have it to give to them, that
I lookd on them as friends, that i was Sure they
did not Encourage the big knives 38 to Stope the Road,
that 1 was Sure the Great Man there father would be here in a few
days 8c would bring them everything that wase
Necessary for them. But in the mean time
I would give them a Carrett 39 of Tobacco Some Powder
and Ball they seemd to be well Plased at Parting. C.S. Quibec the usual Guard.
At Seven oClock Messrs. Cottrel, la Fontain, and St.
Marie 40 Arrived in Camp from the Miamie Town.
38. Indian term for the Pennsylvania-Virginia frontiers
men. Long knives, which occurs later in the journal,
seems to be synonymous.
39. A large twist of tobacco.
40. Three traders from the Miami Town.

8 October 1778
They brought me a letter from Mr. Bobean desi[ri]ng
I would forward Lieut, de Render & his Party. These
Gentlemen Said that the Virginians was no farther
then St. Vincenns Yet and that they were not to
Come farther till they had an Answer from all
the Indians to whome they had Sent Belts. At half
Past Seven I wrot the following letter to the
Governor and Sent off two men in the Cannoe
the above Gentlemen Arrived in :
Sir Camp at Grand Glace 8th Octr. 78
At Seven oClock Messers. Cottrel St. Marie &
La Fontain Arrived here from the Miami Town
and brought in the inclosd. They informe me the [sic]
that the Ribels has not left St. Vincens. Nor will
they Untill they have an Answer from all the India[ns]
to whome they have Sent Bilts. Mr. Bobian Says
Much the same in his letter to me. Lieut, de Kinder
and Party with all the Cattle goe on Early tomorrow
Morning And I follow as fast as I can

8-9 October 1778
I might almost be there be this time if I had
Such News as this from Messrs. Gowan 8c Seloron
But there News So Intimidated my Party that
I am Sure ten men would take us all Prisoners.
I therefor was Obligd to Act Cautiously
I have the honor to be sir
Your most huble Servt.
Normd MacLeod
The first Part of this morning nothing could be
don as it Rain’d So much, it began last night
at half Past ten Accompanied with a Great [deale]
of Lightning and Very Loud thounder. I thought
to have Sent Lieut, de Render and Party off early
this morning But the four horses that was left
here Some days ago by Messrs. Gowan & Bobian
Could not be found and I did not think it Proper
to leave them behind. On which I ordered men
to go and hunt for them. And at Same time Orderd
Bogard and Montrea 41 Immediatly off for the
41. Two carpenters from Detroit.

9 October 1778
Miami Town and on their Arrival there to Put
themselves under Mr. Ainslies Command. The
Gentlem[e]n that Arrived here last night returned
a long with them. Gave each of them a horse
and they departed at 12 oClock. I wrote the
following letters, one to Mr. Ainslie, the other to
Mr. Baubin: Ainslie Mr. Sir
I have sent you Jacob 42 and Montrea to assist
You in Cutting and Preparing Timber Untill
Lieut, de Render & Party Arrives which I Supose will be
a day or two after them. Mr. Cottrel Says you can
borrow Some Tools from the inhabitants, in Particular]
from a Carpenter who lives there. Your first care
Should be to the Carts and have at least two long
Wagons mead to Carry over the Boats. A Store
House would Likewise be Very Necessary and as
Barke will not Peill [peel] to have it Coverd with Straw.
In four days after this you may Expect me there.
I am Sir your humble Servt.
N MacLeod
42. Apparently an error for Bogard.

9 October 1778
Sir Camp at Grand Glaze 9th Octr. 78
Your letter to the Governor was forwarded
an hour After it Arrived. And I return you my
thanks for your active bheaviour [behavior] Since your Arrival
at the Miamie in forwarding His Majestys Service.
I have Sent you two Carpenters to assist Mr. Ainslie
in Repairing the Carriages and if Posible make
two Long wagons to Carry over the Boats. Mr. de Render
and Party with all the Cattle will go immediately
after them. You will Employ every Person You can
to carrie on the Service.
But Such Poor People as cannot find themselves
Provisions you will buy it for them, and keep a
Regular acct. of the Same till the Governors
Arrival who will order it to be Payd. And as
Barke will not Peile at this Season of the year
you will cover the Store Houses with Straw or
Grass. I hope to have the Pleasure of Seing you
in a few days. I am Sir Your most Huble Servt.
To Mr. Baubin Normd MacLeod

9-10 October 1778
At 2 oClock it Cleard up and order the People to
Embark. I left Lieut, de Render there waiting
2 horses the Indian had the other Side the
River, the other two was on our Side but could
not be found. I desired him to leave a man
or two behind to bring them on when found
and march on himself and Party. At half
Past four we Encamped at Prarie Point
about Six miles from the Grand Glaze.
The usual number On Guard C.S. Mercer.
Embarked at Seven oClock, at 12 Lieut.
de Kent and Party Overtook us. And told me that
one of the four horses that was left at the
Glaze could not be found. As he and his
Party wase only Victualed to the 11th I orderd
them two days Provision being 11 in number which Serves to
the 13th. And on that day I expect to be at the

10-11 October 1778
Miamie with my Party Encamped four
Miles below the Marie de Lorme 43 at five
oClock. The usual Number on Guard
C.S. Divernett
This morning Embarked at Seven oClock, at nine
mett Mr. Loran on his way from the Miamis
above the Marie de Lorme with three French
-men and the Grand Sou, an Indian Chief who
Carries the following letter with one from Mr.
Bobian and one from Mr. Loran to the Governor:
Marie de Lorme Sundy mg nine oCloc[k]
Sir I mett Mr. Loran on his way from the
Miami. He tells me that he Spocke with the
Indians there and assured them that you are
on your way. And will Soon be there. This they would
not belive from Mr. Bobean. They are now Pleased
and are determind to Stay at there houses Untill
they See you. The Express Mr. Bobian Sent to the
43. Le Marais de l’Orme, the marsh of elms, present-
day Mary Delarme Creek. It is located halfway between
Defiance, Ohio and Fort Wayne, Indiana.

11 October 1778
River angis 44 is Arrived and bring Certine Intelige[nce]
that there is only forty Virginians at St Vinciens &
that they have no Intension of coming up the
Wabash. But an Indian report revales that they
go be the way of Shucago 45 and there build a Fort.
But on my Arrival at the Miamis I will Sent
off an express to St. Josephs 46 to know the truth of this
Story. Mr. Loran has built Oven enough to
Carry on the Bakeing busness. And
I shall be there the day after to morrow to Expedite
the other workes. The day before yesterday I sent off
Bogard & Montry to Cutt and Prepare timber
with Mr. Ainslie and disired they would make
two long waggons to Carrie the Boats and
Perogues over the Portage. I have the honor to be
Sir Your most Huble Servt.
Normd MacLeod
44. Probably Riviere a l’Anglais, present-day Langlois
45. Chicago, an Indian word meaning “great” or “power
ful,” and designating the location of present-day Chi
cago, Illinois. According to M.M. Quaife it was some
times applied to the Mississippi to indicate it was a great
river. Fr. Joutel, who came with LaSalle in 1687, said
the place was called Chicagou because of the powerful
smell of garlic growing there. Also Shicagoe.
46. A fort at present-day Niles, Michigan; it was occu
pied and destroyed by the Spaniards in 1881.

11-13 October 1778
After closing my letter, Sent the Indian Cheif and
two Frenchman in a Cannoe to meet the Governor
and a little after 11 oClock we Embark’d and
followed the rest of the Perogues. At half Past
four Encamp’d Near Point Carrial. The People
being only Victualed to this day I Ordered
Mr. Loran to Issue four days Provisions fore
Fifty Six men Incluiding myself and the
other three Gentlemen Guard as Usual.
C.S. for this night Bird
Enbarked this Morning at Seven oClock
and arrived at Sun Sett at our Encamp-
-ment four miles above Rapit de Beuf.
Guard as usl. C:S: this night Shorde.
This morning Enbark’d at half Past Six And
Arrived at the end of the Plain 2 l A miles below the
Miamie Town, mead a little halt before we Set off.

13 October 1778
Mr. Francois Masonvill 47 Arrived. He Said Mr.
Nicolas Gowen was along with him but that
he had gon on to his house. He then handed me
his Instructions from the Governor which was wrote
the Sixth instant. In which I Saw there wase a
Discratonary order for me leaving me to act as I
Pleasd. After Chating alittle we Pushed on And
Arrived at the Town at four oClock when the Inha
-bitants and Indians Saluted us in forme. On which
I Ordered my People to return the Salute to which
we aded three Chears. I ordered the People to encamp
on the Bank in the front of the Houses. Mounted
the usuale Guard. C:S: Caldwell. All the Trading
People waitd Upon me and Very Politely Said they were glad to
See me. Mr. Bobian ask’d me to his house and Said
the Indians would com and Speak with me the[re].
On his Arrival he told them I was the first Chief
47. Francois Maisonville, the boatmaster of the expedi
tion. He seems to have been both a boatbuilder and a
woodsman, and often acted as a guide. At the siege of
Vincennes he was captured before the fort fell and was
partially scalped by Clark. When Hamilton sur
rendered, Maisonville chose to stay with the British in
captivity rather than take an oath of allegiance to the
Americans. His scalping is considered to be one of sev
eral acts of unnecessary cruelty that Americans engaged
in during the campaign. Others included killing Indian
prisoners and cruelty toward the British after they

13 October 1778
they would see, And whatever I told them they might
be assured was true. Alittle after this they came
with one Chief at there head. After Shaking of
hands and lighting the Pipes I Spoke to them as follows:
My friends I hope you are now Convinced that
Your father at Detroit is Comming Meirly to assist you.
I am come before him with nothing but Provisions.
You Se I have a Great dale. But it is nothing in
Coparison to what corns along with him. He bring[s]
Every thing Necessary for your Women & Children
to Cloath and feed them. He likewise brings every
thing that is Necessary for a Warrior with Plenty
of milk to the Wise Cheifs. I know you heard bad
News from the Wabash. But I am Surprisd you
Would listen to Such bad Birds. The long knives
you know has been thretning not only the Indians
But you[r] father at Detroit this three Years Past,
But you See with Pleasure they could do nothing.

13 October 1778
They have not been able to Save thereown People.
Has not Some of your Warriors in this Village Arrivd
the other day with three of their Scalps. An other
of your Chiefs is Soon Expected and I hope he will
Bring more. The long knives knows the Indians
on the Wabash has not Struk them yet and therefor
they were not afraid of comming amongest them.
They tell them that they are Strong enough to open
the Road and disire the Indians to be quate [quiet]. They
tell them thus because they are afraid of them,
they desire them to mind there hunting. But
what will they hunt with, has the long knives
been able this three years Past to give them any
thing to hunt with. No they go naked themsel-
-ves. [ . . . ] your father at Detroit that gives and
send you all. And you Shall Soon [Se]e him
here with a good number of brave Whitemen
and Indians and open the Road to the Misisipie

13 October 1778
which road you wase mead to belive wase Stoped
by the long knives. I hope you will keep quite
at your houses till he comes and in the mean
time I will give you a dram to drink his
health. Which went round
They replyed that they heard I was comming
the which mead them Glad. They were happy in
Assembling there together and that Some of them
[ . . . ] Present had true hearts. They further Said
when they heard from there father at Detroit they
were Very Glad and any News from him mead
there hearts Eaies [easy] as they belived what he
Said or desired Should be told was truth.
But whenever they heard any News the
other way meaning the Wabash they were
afraid & Trembled. But tho they had Prepard
themselves to go to there Winter hunting they

13 October 1778
Declin’d going when they heard he wase
Comming and that not aman of them
would Stir from there Village till he did
Com. But in the mean time would be glad
to taste a little of his Milk and Some Tobbaco
to Smoak, Upon which I gave them four
Bottles Rum and three Carrots Tobacco
There was one of this Village Arrived from
Detroit at the Same time as I did who brou
ght Rum with him and gave them to
Drink berfore they came to See me.
He that Spoke was drunk. Which in a
Little time he ownd and Saing he could not
Speak any more he was drunk on which
we Parted. But about an hour after

13-14 October 1778
I was in bed in my Tent Mr. Bobian came and
told me the Indians wanted to Speak with me.
I Put on my Cloaths and went along with him.
They began to Speak but nothing more than
a Repetition of what they had formerly
Said. I was however detaind two hours with
them and Obliged to give an other dram
before we Parted
This morning I ordered all the People to be
Assembled to wit English & French to have the
Oath of aligiense administred to them which
I did myself. I then desired Lt. de Kent to
Deliver all the Oxen, horses, harness ase. [etc.] to be
to Mr. Nicolas Gowen And such
of the Inhabitants as had horses 8c Carts to be
Very obedient and ready to asist him whene
he Command them to carry over the Portage.
Then Orderd 4000 [pounds] Flour to be landed & delivered

14 October 1778
to Mr. Loran with 654 Barrels Pork & three Firkins
Butter. After this was don I ordered the Boat
and all the Perogues to Proceed to the Landing &
then Unload and Camp till farther orders
After the Perogues was gon I wrote the following
Letter to Governor Hamilton:
Sir Miamie 14th Octr. 78
I have the Pleasure to aquaint you that I
Arrived here at four oClock yesterday afternoon
and Soon after the few Indians that are here assem-
-bled. I told them that I hoped they were now
Convinced that you are Comming. And that they
would Soon See you here, that you came Purposly
to assist them, and with a good number of white
men and a Great many Indians of different
nations you would Open to [the] road to the Misisipi
which road they were mead to belive was Stoped
by the long knives. They Said when they heard

14 October 1778
Comming or any news from you that they were
happy and there hearts were Glad. But whene the
news came from the Wabash they were afraid and
Trimbled. One of there Nation called the wild
Beast went to See the long knives. And laid his
hand on the head of there Chief and told him
that he was a Iyer and that he would not belive
any thing he Said. That there father at Detroit
only Spoke the truth to them and he only they
would belive. On which they used he [him] very roug-
-hly and turnd him out of there Counsills But
that he is now Satisfied his father is comming
and hopes to be revengd of his afronts
I ordered the Oxen horses & etc to be deliverd to Mr.
Gowen, at the Same time take all the Carts and
horses in the Place and Commanded the People
to be Obedient when he had Ocation to call for them.
I assembled all the Inhabitants and had them

14 October 1778
Sworn in due forme. I am Sending four men to
the Wia to bring Intelligence from thence and one
to St. Josephs with a letter to Mr. Shevally 48 desiring
him to let me know if there is any truth in that
Report of the Virginians going to Shicago. I took
the liberty of telling him that you would be here
about five days hence and would be glad to have
the Pleasure of Seing him here. Should this meet
your aprobation I Shall be Very happy. But if
not I hope you will look upon it as an error not
Intentionally don but rather through ardent
zeale for his Majestys Servic. I ordered flour
to be landed here to have Bread enough baked on
your Arrival. The Perogues is gon to the landing
to unload and tomorrow morning Shall begin to
Carry over. Which I hope will be finishd four
days after this. All the Young Traders here French
as well as English Seems alert & willing to Serve you.
48. Louis Chevalier, a trader at Saint Joseph. Also She-
vallier and Shevallie.

14 October 1778
After finishing my letter as I thought I order
Mr. Loran to issue eight days Provisions to the
five men that was order to go [to] the Wia and St.
Josephs, two days to Lieut, de Kent & 10 men,
two days to Mr. Ainslie and 2 Carpinters, and
two days to Mr. Francois Masonvill 8c 2 men
who was going with him to meet the Governor
and Carry my letter. When they were ready to
go being about 12 oClock the Packan 49 Arrived
from the Wia and I must here what he had to
Say before Masonvill could depart. After he had
Dressed himself I waitdd on him. He then began
as follows. Father hearing So much talk of the
long knivs Comming I left there without telling
any Person my intention. Arriving at the
River Angu 50 I met the Son of the Tobacco 51 who
told me that he had brought the long knives
49. Pacane, the Nut, head chief of the Miami Indians.
50. Either identical with MacLeod’s earlier River Angis
or means the Riviere a l’Anguille, the present-day Eel
51. Also known as Young Tobacco, son of the Pianka-
shaw chief, Old Tobacco. Both seem to have had some
allegiance to the Virginians.

14 October 1778
along with him. They were good People and they had
given them there hand on which he asked what
the Packan his Grand father as he Calld him
Thought. He Answered nothing at all which
answer Silenced the Son of the Tobacco for some
tim. But in alittle after Said the long knives
was to give him the Command of one hundred
Soldiers at the head of which he would open
the Road for the north, on which the Packan
Replyd are you, you Fools, able to lead People,
after you Sold your lands to them you came
to us to meet your father and to Conduct him
to St. Vinces. You now fort get [forget] him and you
Come to open the road to the long knives. On
this they Parted an[d] Packan went to the Wia.
The long knives came there that day and Called
a Councell of the Indians at which

14 October 1778
he was Present. He Says that there Commander
gave his left hand to the Indians as he came along,
till he cam to him and gave him his right
on which the Packan demand the reason whie
he gave him the right and the others the left.
He Says they had two Interpreters, the one was an
Englishman Spoke good Illinois and French,
the other was an Old Frenchman And that
they both began to dispuit about what the
Indians were Saying on which they Laughd
and came away. He Sais that Some of the
other Chiefs wase for killing the long knives
Seing there wase but 25 [?] of them But that
he himself told them that they were fools to
think of Such a thing at Present as we hav[e]
no Certain News from our father and if there
Comes no more than thise we have time enough.

14 October 1778
Next day he and the other Indians came away
and at Some distance from the Place they halted
and laid a Plot to take all the long knives Prisoner
that Very Night. The Packan was to go to the
bake of the Fort to alittle Gate and call to
the Godfroys 52 who he knew would lett him in.
The other Indians was to go in at the other Gate
and So Sease them all. He Says this might
Easly be Executed as they drank much and
Fought amongest themselves. The Indians
went back to Execute there Plan but the
long knives was gon. After telling me all
this he Said if Masonvill would wait till he
Spoke with his friends in the vilage he woud
go along with him and meet the Governor. This
mead me write the following adition to my let[ter]
52. Probably the fur trader Daniel-Maurice Godfroy de
Linctot and his family. This is an interesting incident
because Godfroy, or Linctot, was one of Clark’s most
enthusiastic supporters.

14-15 October 1778
I finished my letter at 12 oClock and Mr.
Masonvill was then ready to Sett off. But
the Packans Arrival from the Wia Prevented
his going till late in the night and as he
Acompanys him I need not mention what
he Said on his Arrival. But not withstanding
the Good News he brings, I have Sent off the
four men to the Wia and one to St. Josephs
to bring Still more fresh Inteliginces and
Perhaps more to be depend on. I am as before
Sir Your most Huble Servt.
Normd MacLeod
15 th
As it began to rain about 9 oClock last night and
Continued till this Morning to 12 oClock the Packan
would not go and of Course Put a Stop to Masonvill.
This wase not our only hurt by bad weather, it
Prevented us geting any thing over the Portage. At
one oClock fair weather and the Packan and
Masonvill took their departure. At 2 I dined with Mr.

15-16 October 1778
Loran. I immediately Sett off for the landing Place,
at the Same time desired Mr. Gowen to have all the
Horses and Carts at the end of the Portage at night
in Order to have them Loaded early in the Morn
ing. Mr. Gowen did not arrive at Camp all night
nor any of his People. C:S: Haldiman
At Seven this morning I ordered Mr. de Kent to
make himself ready to go along with ten men to
the other Side the Portage taking five days Provisions
with him and three Axes to Cut firewood for the
Troops and Repair the road if necessary. At
Eight I ordered all my People to Parade on which
I told them that thirty two of them wase to return
to Detroit, nine to Stay with me, Six with Mr. Gowen,
two with the Carpenters, and two with Mr. Loran,
Besides Mr. de Kents ten, and one that wase Sick
in the Town. I told them they knew one anothers familys
and at this Season of the Year their Necessitys. I woud

16 October 1778
be Glad they would turn out of there own acord and
not oblige me to take them out of there ranks,
that I belived.thos that had wives and Children
Ought to have the Preference, and that if I wase
oblig’d to take the Number I wanted I Certinly
would take the Youngmen. On which the most
of them did turn out. And I wase Oblig’d to Call
a few by there Names. Our different numbers
being Compleated I ordered Mr. Gaffie to go and
Draw five days Provisions for the whole 75 men, giving
two Kettles, two Axes, four bags, and three of the
worst Perogues to them that was going to Detroit.
At half Past eleven Mr. Gowen Arrived with Seven
Carts at which time came Messers. Cotrell, Wigans
and Fonteny with their own Carts and a horse each.
In all ten Carts and these Loaded, Consisting of the following
articles, Vidz. 8800 lb. Flour, 12 Bales dry Goods,
7 oil Cloaths Calling [called] Russian Sheating, Such tho with
out every [one] being Painted and 112 Bear Skins, 53 in order
53. Bearskins were the eighteenth-century equivalent of
sleeping bags. Oilcloth was usually painted to make it
waterproof, so the unpainted oilcloths purchased by the
party would have been of dubious value.

16 October 1778
to Cover those things at the other Side the Portage.
After this wase don I wrote the following letter to the
Governor: Miamie landing 16th October 78
At eight oClock last night Messers. St. Marrie
and Fouchie 54 Arrived here in four days from the Wia
and met the four men I ordered to go there, who returnd
with them. They Say much the Same as the Packan
that there wase only twenty five Virginians, and
about as manney French Voluntires. They are all gon
down the Stream. But not before they Pack up two
or three old Kettles and Potts, a few Peuter Plates and an
old Ax the Property of Mr. Seloron. All the People there
took the Oath of Neuterality, which they Say they
wase oblig’d to do. The rain and Snow Yesterday
put a Stop to our worke. Nothing carried over Yet
But Shall begin to day. I have the honor to be Sir
Your most Fluble Servt.
Normd MacLeod
After I closed the above I wrote one to Mrs. MacLeod,
one to Mr. Mucnamara & an other to Mr. Macpherson, 55
54. Probably Foucher, a Canadian trader who joined the
55. Macnamara and Macpherson were Detroit business
men; MacLeod later refers to Macnamara as his

16 October 1778
on which Mr. Gaffie went to the Town with those
that was going to Detroit and Part of them that wase
to Stay in Order to draw their Provisions from Mr.
Loran. After Mr. Gaffie took down all there Names
that wase going home, the Number of Kettles, Axes, bags,
Perogues, etc. I wrot as follows under there names:
As it is not necessary to keep these men longer they
have my leave to depart taking along with them
four Good Perogues I saw in the River on my way
up here. And when they meet Governor Hamilton
to Present him this with a letter.
Normd MacLeod
Miami landing 16th Octr. 78
Before this was all don a Number of Indians
men and Women Arrived with I Supose fifty horses
in Order to Carrie things aCross. I told them they
Could not get flour unless they Put the bags in there
Blanketts as the Bags wase Rotten with the rain.
Several of them did this and others took Ferkins,

16 October 1778
Kegs and Bales. We loaded forty of there horses in
this manner and I mead Young Schefflen make
Bons [boats?] for every two Pices [pieces] and ordered Lt. de Kent
to receive them the other Side. Mr. Gaffie Returnd
at four oClock and told me that a Perogue had
gon a drift from the Town last night and that
he had Commanded the men going to Detroit
to Pick it up and take it along with them
The Carts Returned at Six oClock. I ordered them
to unyoake and keep Centrys a round the Cattle
all night, the rest to encamp with us. Mr.
Ainslie and his four men Spent this day
in Grinding there Axes and Preparing tim
-her for Trucks and long Waggons
Only Six men on Guard this night
C:S: England.

17 October 1778
Camp at Miamie Landing 17th Octr. 78
At Sunrise the People that drove the Carts went
to look for thier horses which wase all found but
Mr. Wiggins. At half Past Seven Nine Carts
wase Loaded and Sent off. Some time after
Mr. Wiggins Arrived with his horse, But as
he could not get an other to yoke with him went
home. There was only here to be found three
of the Detroit horses one of which cou’d not
draw, the other two lame. At ten oClock Mr.
Gowen Arrived from his house. I asked him
Where all the Horses wase. That out of thirty
five horses we had only eighteen employed.
He Said the Detroit horses was good for nothing,
Lame and Poor and not able to worke. I told him
that he never had Assembled all together to

17 October 1778
make any trial of them. Notwithstanding I gave
him as manny men as he wanted Since my arrival, and
that I could not help thinking But more could be don
then there wase. And that I wase Sure four of the
Perogues might be at the other Side this night
if things had been Properly Managed. He answerd
that every truck required Six horses. I answerd there was eighteen
with the Carts and 12 for the two Trucks wase no
more than thirty and that I allowed five to be Sick
and Lame. He then told me that Bobean had
Lent two of the Kings horses to the Indians to go a
Hunting. On this information I ordered Mr. Gaffie
with three men to go immedately to the Town and tell
Bobean from me to deliver him the Kings horses
and that I thought it would be much more Prudent of Mr.
Bobean to give his own horses to forward the Service
then tacke any from it, that he ought to have given
a good Example to all the People in the Place. But

17 October 1778
in Stead doing that I Saw he hinderd the Service, that
he knew Messers. Wiggans, Cotrell and La Fontain
had but one horse each and that they came in person
to worke them. Mr. Gowen went away at the Same time
with Mr. Gaffie. But what he is going to do I cannot
Say, but that I am Sure he is Very Neglectfull of the
worke of the Carrying Place. The loading of the Nine
Carts Consisted of the following Articles, vidz: 7600 lb.
Flour, 4 Bales, IIV2 Barrels Pork, 1 Firkin Butter and
9 Bear Skins, 4 oil Cloths. Deliverd Mr. Loran
15 Boards to make tables for the Bakers. I had Messers.
Loran, Gowen and Wiggans to examine four Perogues I
ordered to be taken from the Town, one the Property of
Mr. Cotrell at one hundred & eighty livers, one Mr.
Loran two hundred & fifty one, St. Marrie 270 lb.
one Mr. Lorime 56 . . . 2 7 0 lb. I was informd this day
that there wase two or three horses in the Town
Unemploy’d besides Bobians. Upon which
I gave the following order to Mr. Gowen to take them:
56. Peter Lorimier, or Laramie, a British agent who had
a post near the portage between the Great Miami and
the Saint Mary’s rivers.

17 October 1778
Sir Camp at Miamie Landing 17th Octr. 78
You will take all the horses you can find
belonging to the Inhabitants for his Majestys Service, The two employ’d
for the use of the Bakers excepted. And keep
an Accompt of everyday they worke
I am Sir
Normd MacLeod
To Mr Nicolas Gowin:
The nine Carts returnd from the other Side
at half Past two. I disired them to unyoke
and let the horses feed a little while they were
Eating thier dinners And afterwards get the
two trucks and load them with two Perogues
to be ready to morrow morning. One Centry
at our Camp this night. C:S: Delgarnoc.
There was 9 horses of Mr. Gowins employd Yester
-day and 8 this day at Seven in the
afternoon I received the following Note from
Mr. Baubin: Mr. Normand MacLeod Sir
I have the honor to let you know that I have

17-18 October 1778
Sent every horse that can draw to the Portage.
There is a few remaining. I Shall Send to look
for them to morrow morning and Send them
to the Portage. I have the honor to be Sir
Your Huble Servt.
Ch: Baubin
18 th
At Seven this morning I sent off two Trucks with two Perogues.
Messers. Gowen, Cotrell, Wiggens and La Fontain
Arrived from the Town. Cotrell and Wiggens
tooke a load each in there Carts Consisting
as follows: 3 Bags Flour, 1314 Barles Pork,
2 Bales, 1 Box and three Small Kegs Nails, 2
whipe Saws & 2 oil Cloths.
At eight finished a New Truck and Sent off another
Perogues. At nine oClock Sent Mr. Gaffie to the Town with 4 men and an
Order to Bring Nine Bushels Indian Corn for the
Use of the Kings draught Horses and 12 Pound
of Butter to Grease the Cart and Trucks with.

18 October 1778
Ordered Mr. Gowen with five men to go and Repair the
Road 8c Bridges. Mr. Gowen Employd 8 of his horses this
day, and one of Baubins which I Intend keeping in
Service The Same number of days as the Indians
keepd the two horses he lent them of the Kings
At half Past one finish’d a Truck and Pass’d an
other Perogue. La Fontain wint with this. As there
is five horses in every Truck I send two men with
each. At half Past four the Three Trucks retu[rn]
-ed together. I thought to have mead two trips
with the two Sent first But they were Deter-
-mined to make but the one and therfore Stayd
Latur than usual. Mr. Cotrell broke Exe[l]
-tree [axletree] of his Cart above three miles from th[is].
Came back and got an other and Unloaded
at the other Side and was here as Soon as
them that went off at Seven in the Morning.
The fourth Truck came back at Seven oClock. We had
a horse of Morten’s employd this day [this line stroked out in manuscript]

18 October 1778
The man I Sent the 14th to St. Josephs Arrived this
Evening and brought me a letter from Mr. Shevallier
the Contents of which is as follows: St. Josephs 16th Octr. 78
The Guard as Yus. tonight. C:S: Masonvill.
Sir Manney reasons wou’d engage one to come
According to your Polite invitation in So much as to
have the honor to Speake to his Exelencey the
Governor, And to answer Verbatimly Your Obliging letter.
Should I go that Jaunt it wou’d be more Service
to myself than to the Government. I Prefer the
Interest of the State to my own Property. I want to
Reconcill myself in the Confidinse of the Governor
But the Venom’d and Perjured Tongue has ende-
-voured to lessen me in his esteem. I will hower [however]
endevour to gaine his Confidence more
By my beheavour than I could by Speaking
to him. And if I thought it was Very Necess
-ary to Stay and Guard this Post I would. I am
transport [tic] myself to where you are and

18 October 1778
Not withstanding that I am but a Single Person here I
can be informed of every thing and then informe
others. If the Governor Should think it Necessary that
I Should abandon this Place for a few days, I am ready
to Condesend to go. I had the honor of Receiving a
letter from him and had the Pleasure of answering it
by the Same Chief that brought me his and in whome
he Places Confidences. To answer your intent I will
tell you that two Indians Sent by the Governor has
gon to discharge themselves of their Embassy in
a worthy manner, tho almost with out any
Effect, as there is but Six determin’d to Join you.
In [illegible] truth abut them that harkens to what there
Father or I say. They Arrived here when the others
wase gon to there Wintering Ground. There fear of
the Rebells mead them departe Very Precipitantly.
There Terror is in Comon with the Traders of the
Post who ran into the land to Secure there Inter-
-est and of course deserted the Service.

18-19 October 1778
By my Instigation the Cutt nose is gon amongest them
to rise a Party, but Cannot Promise he will be Succe-
-ssfulle. Nothing Certen concerning the establishment of Rebells at
Manijnoc, based near Shicagoe. I had the same report
from Some of the Savages. And I will endevour to come
at the truth and aquaint you theroff. They have
assured me there was Some at ope [aupost?] Fort. The Ball
you are Preparing for the Rebells fills me with
Satisfaction. But would be more So if I
was Present at the Dance. Permitt me at lest to wish
Conservation for his Majestys Loyal Subjects
and in Particular for him who I have the honor
to be his Most Obdient Humble Servt.
Lewis Shevallie
19 th
At Seven this morning Sent off 5 Perogues with whome
went Messers. Wiggens, Cottrell 8c La Fontain with a
Horse each. I ordered Mr.Gowen to go along with the
Trucks this day in order to make two Trips
which the first two might have don Yesterday. And
one St.Marrie being the cause of that Neglect loses his
pay for that day.

19 October 1778
Mr. Gowen has only 6 horses employd this morning
& Baubian one. At half Past Twelve the
first two Trucks that went over this morning arrived,
Gave a little feed to there horses and Sett off again
Two of the Kings horses being tired wase Replaced by
two of Mr. Gowens. At one oClock I received the
following Billet from Mr. Baubin. Sir if you had any thing
to Say to the Shawanoes that arrived Yesterday
I will bring them into the Fort that you may
Speak to them & it Seems they came to see
the nation here and to here what wase
to be Said to them from the Governor.
I belived they intended to go away Soon. I am Sir
C: Baubin
To which I Sent the following Answer:
Sir Camp at Miamie landing 19th Octr. 78
As I have nothing Particular to tell them
I have two Reasons to Prevent me from Seing them.
The first is that I have no Instructions Concern-
-ing the Indians and my next that I have noth-
-ing to give them. But I hope You will aquaint

19 October 1778
that the Governor is daily Expected and that
Captain Maghie is gon to Assemble their Nation
and let them know the Governors intentions and
Sentiments. I am Sir Your Huble Servt.
Normd MacLeod
To Mr. Baubin
This morning Sent to bring two Perogues from the
Town one belonging to Mr. Adhimer 57 200 lb. and the other
to Property of Mr. [blank space] Vallued at 100 lb.
In Place of geting ten Perogues over this day as
I expected 1 only got nine owing to the misman-
-agement and Negligence of Mr. Gowen. For had
he Atended the Busness of the Carying Place
Properly all our Perogues would have been
over this day. But as he is not ac[cu]stomed
to obey orders or execute any Busness briskly
we have Six Yet to Pass over. Three of our Trucks
arrived at Six oClock the other two Stayd at the other Side.
Guard as last night. C:S: Grant.
57. St. Martin Adhemar, one of the commissaries for
the Indians.

20 October 1778
October 20th 78
Some of our horses and Part of the harnish being left
at the other Side yesterday through Neglect and
Laisiness of the Carters, and carelesness of Mr. Gowen,
obligd me to Send Mr. De Kaint the following
note Camp at Miamie landing 20th Octr. 78
As I Plainly See the People are Negligent in
Carrying on the Service by leaving Part of their
Horses and harnish at your Side You are Orderd
not to Permitt any Such thing for the future
To I am Sir Your Huble Servt.
Lieut. De Kaint Normd MacLeod
Finding I could not get my Boat over this morning
owing Chiefly to Part of the mess being left the other
Side Yesterday and likewise breaking Two Trucks
I Sent over my little Bagage with Messrs. Gaffie
and Shefflins, with a Keg of Ball I took from Rush
de baut belonging to Mr. Adhemar. At three oClock
the Truck first Sent off this morning arrived & Sent it
off directly again with my Boat, which is the last of my escorft].

20-21 October 1778
The Carts and Trucks Arrived here from the other side
Before Sun Sett except the last which Carried the Boat.
I was obliged to make Ainslie leave his worke this
Day and Send him with five men to repair the road.
Not with Standing Lieut, de Kaint and Party had
orders to repaire it the 16th when he went to the other Side
and Mr. Gowen with five men the 18th. But both
Indolent and thought nothing of the worke they
were Sent about The Guard as usual. C:S: Burnett.
This morning Sent Mr. Gaffie to the town to draw Provisions
for Forty seven men, officers and Volunteers included.
I Order’d Mr.Gaffie to deliver Mr. Lorain a Perogue of
his that wase taken here the Seventeeth and Vallued
at 250 lb. But on Mr. Gowen aquainting me that it
wase tou wake and Could not be Carried over I orderd it
to be returnd him. Left eight men with Mr.
Gowen two of which is Voluntiers, gave leave to
Montrea to go to the Town as he cutt his foot Yester
day which rendered him uncapable of working. Ainslie
and Bogard making long wagons. Deneson left with
them to make Trucks. Eight Detroit men to Cutt wood

22-23 October 1778
[There is no heading for 22 October in the manuscript. ]
Arrived here with one Indian woman & four horses from the
River angie. He has been at the Wia Since Foushic 8c St. Marrie
Came away. He Confirms what they Said in regard to the
number of the Virginians. But Says they had Spaniards
as well as french Amongest them. At Seven orderd two
Centrys 8c to be relived every two hours till day light
C:S: Bitton.
About Seven oClock Mr. Dubois loaded his four horses
But befor his departure he bought Lieut, de Kaints
horse for one hundred 8c fifty Pounds Tobacco Payable nixt
Spring at the Miamie town. After he had finished
this bargin, he asked if I had any Commands for him
I disired him if incase he Saw the Governor give him my
Compliments. He Answered, and Said he came Purposely
to See him and to go along with. On which he wishd
me a good morning and Sett off. Immediately after
his departure Sent young Moran 58 to Town to know
the Reason whey the five Voluntiers did not come
yesterday according to my order to Mr Bauben and
he telling me in his own house that he Sent them yester
day morning before my arrival there.
58. A member of the Charles Moran family of Detroit.

23 October 1778
At four oClock Morran Returnd and brought me the
following letter From Mr. Baubin: Miamie 23th Octr. 78
You shall know that the five Voluntiers
that wase to go to the other Side the Carrying Place
is Deserted. After inquring of every Person what
Road they went a Woman told me She Saw them at
ten oClock yesterday morning on the Shawanoe Road.
I order’d Mr. Bourbon St. Marrie to carry you my
Report and he Sent to tell me that he wase not
made for that use and that I might Carry it
myself. And that is the reason you had not Word
Sooner. I wait your Order on that Subject
I am with all Possible Attentin
Your most Huble Servt.
C: Baubin
On Receiving this I Sent a man with the following
Answer Camp at the Little River 23d Octr. 78
Sir I am very much Surprisd you did
not employ Indians to go immediattly after
the Diserters, or at lest aquaint me Soonner

23-24 October 1778
But as I expect the Governor is arrived before
this reaches you, I hope you will aquaint him
there with. But incase he Should not be arrived
You will write him Immediately. And at the Same
time get aparty of Indians to go after them with
orders to take them Dead or alive. I am Confiden[t]
the Governor will be well Pleas’d if they are taken
and So will he Who is, Sir your Very Huble Servt.
To Mr. Baubin Normd MacLeod
At six oClock mounted a guard of Six men, two Centrys
during the night. C:S: Abbott.
At Seven oClock this morning I sent Messers. Gaffie
and Shefflen with two men to draw Provisions
for fortyone men differently employd. I desird
him to wait on the Governor if he wase Arrived
and ask him how manney days he Should dra[w]
for and make him a Report of our number, 8c
how they were Employ it [employed]. He came bake at Six
and told me the Governor wase arrived. And he
Desird him to draw for as manney days as he Pleasd

24-25 October 1778
at the Same time Saying he would See me to
morrow. Young Shefflin Stayd with the Governor.
CS: this night Hay. The Guard as usual.
Received two letters from Mrs. MacLeod one 4th the
other dated the 15th
At nine oClock this morning I left the Camp at Little
River in order to go and See the Governor, and make him
a Report of all my Transactions Since my departure
from Detroit. And having no written order from
him when I came away I was afraid that a blind
Zeal for the Service might Perhaps induce me to
do things wrong. When I cam to the eight men
I left Cutting wood the 21th I found they had about
one & a half Chord cutt on which I told them that
I would aquaint the Governor of their behavour
and hoped he would Punish them for their Idleness.
On my Arrival at the Town the Governor & Messrs.
Hay, Davernett and Doctor McBeath 59 was at the
Packans house and on my entering he received me
59. Lt. Henry Du Vernet, a Regular Army officer of the
King’s Regiment; Surgeon McBeth, the expedition’s
medical officer.

25-26 October 1778
Very kindly and was obliging enough to thank me for
my Beheavour Since my departure from Detroit.
On which I told him if I had the good luck to have don my
Duty So as to Please him I was myself Very Satisfyd
After which he and major Hay askd me to dinner.
I Stayd all night in his Camp and Sleepd with Capt.
Masonvill. He was Captain of the Day and went three
Rounds during the night. Lieut. Shabear 60 who sleepd with
us went this day on Visiting Round at four oClock.
I left the Camp at eight this morning and took
two men of Captain Masonvills Company with
me to Carry four Spades to the end of the Portage when
I dismissed them, and Order’d a Serjeant of Lieut San-
-combs 61 Detachment to take Six of the wood Cutters
with two Spades, two Axes and go and repair the road.
I then marchd on and arrived at my Camp at the
Little River 62 at one oClock. The Guard this night
as usual, two Centrys. C:S: take care
Ainslie, Bogard & Dennison arrived here at Six to repare the Perogues.
60. Lt. Francois Joncaire Chabert, Detroit Volunteer 62. Petite Riviere, also known as the Little Wabash
Militia. Also Shabert. River, is located at the far terminus of the portage and
61. Lt. Pierre St. Cosme, Detroit Volunteer Militia. Also is a tributary of the Wabash River.
St. Come.

27 October 1778
I Sent Lieut, de Kaint and four men in a Perogue
at Seven oClock this morning to Cutt the branches on
Each Side the River, and fallen trees or logs if there be
any in Order to have the Boats Pass with more eas[e].
I Likewise Sent Mr. Gaffie with two men to Town
to draw Provisions which Comences to morrow
At Twelve oClock Seing no Boats Arrive from the other
Side I wrote the following letter to major Hay
Sir Camp at little River 27th Octr. 78
You’ll Please to remember that I told you, that I thought
it Necessary to have an Active officer at the landing
to See that Mr. Gowin did his duty. He had twenty three
Horses and Six Oxen idle yesterday with whome he
might have Pass’d five Boats. What he intends
doing this day I cannot Say. I left Lieut. St. Come
and Party there to guard the Stores and Boats, with
Orders to Join me the moment an other officer arrive[s]
from your Camp. I have Sent Lieut, de Kaint this
Morning to Clear the little River. And St. Come gos to
Morrow if he Arrives this night Bogard tells me
that you have a young man who has been in Mr.McGregors

27 October 1778
Vessell, that he is a good Caulker. I wish you wou’d send
him to assist here 1 am Sir
Your most Huble Servt.
To Major Hay Normd MacLeod
At three oClock I recceved the following letter from Mr.
Adhmar: Sir By order of Major Hay I Send you
a Pair of Oxen to be Distributed amongest your men
in Place of Pork when their Provisions becomes due
I wish you Good health and to Mr. Gaffie I am Sir
Your Huble Servt.
Adhemar St. Martin
Immediately after I wrote Lieut. Devernett the following
Letter: Camp at Little River 27th Octr. 78
Permitt me to give you a hint, that I think
it is Necessary to keep a tight hand over Mr.
Gowen. I expected he would have Passed three Boats
Yesterday and three this day having no less than
thirty five, or thirty six horses to worke. But he has
Employ’d no more than twelve. Till your Arrival
I would be glad you woud Spare Lieut. St. Come & Party
as I have but ten men here, and I want to send

27-28 October 1778
him with Some men to Cleare the little River and
the Covert way. Major Hay Send me a Pair of Oxen
and Adhemar Says in his letter that they are to
be given to the People I had here and your end of the
Portage. I woud be glad to know from you if a Pice
of Beef woud be ofensive at twelve or one oClock to
Morrow. You have Six trucks and two long waggons
and I imagin you can Send eight Boats over
to morrow. I am with Complimints to C: Lieut.
Schuffelen Sir Your most Huble Servt.
Lieut. Devernett Normd MacLeod
Gave leave to Lieut, de Kaint to go to Town to see his
Brothers. Messers. Shufflin and Gaffie went along
with him. Killd an ox this Morning & Issued three
Days Provisions to thirty Seven men. The Detachment
Lieut. St. Come March here at 12 oClock are incluedd.
I Recieved the following Billet from Major Hay:
Dear Sir Captn. Masonville leaves this in an Hour
hence for the Carrying Place who I hope will forward
things Very Differently from what they have been.
I am Your Huble Servt. Jehu Hay

28 October 1778
About two oClock I received an other from Lieut.
Divernet Camp au Pied Froide Octr. 28
By favor of Mr. St. Come I am to acknowledge Your
Favor, I am much obligd to you for the relative to
Gowen and will take the Precautions Necessary.
Captain Masonville I expect this day, & my Stay I
am in hopes will not be many Hours more So that
the Beef you mention will hardly be worth while
to Send, as we Shall Join you Soon I am Sir
with Mr. Schuffelins Compliments
Your most Huble Servt.
Henry Du Vernet
P.S. I have orderd one of my men to make all repaires
Possible to Mr. Gowins Carts and intend leaving
him on this Side to follow his Directions
Being reinforced with St. Come and party mountd a guard
of an Serjeant, one Corporal & nine men. C:S: Montreal.
At half Past Six Lieut. Duvernet and Schuffelen Arri
ved with their Detachments And mountd a Guard
Each of one Corporal and Six men. I gave them the
Counter sign and orderd thier men to Camp on the
Left of ours

29 October 1778
Sent Lieut. St. Come with five men in a Perogue
down the Little River with Bilhooks, Axes & Spades
for two days to Cutt the branges [branches] and trees, Such as
might Stope the Boats on our away down
At one oClock the Governor arrived, at three he ordred
Lieuts. Duvernet and Shuffelin with thirty two
men to take the Artillery Stores and as much Proviss
-ions as would load Seven Perogues and Proceed to the
Wabash and there Encamp till further orders
or till he himself arrived there. He went himself
in a light Perogue to See of there was Water
Enough for the Gun Boat. Before he Embarkd
I askd him the Counter Sign for the night
which is Beaufort. The Loading was Comple-
-ated and Sett off at four oClock. The Loading Consisted
of the Following articles, viz. 200 Flour, 16 B: Pork, 18
Ferkins Butter, with orders to Join Leut. St. Come at the
Camin Couvert & Make the best of his way to the Fork of
the Awabashe, 63 there to remain to further Orders.
63. The Wabash River. Also Owabachie.

30 October-1 November 1778
Order, Octr. 30th 78 Watchword Philadelphia
Lieut. De Quandre to Proceed directly with 7 Perogues loaded
with 145 lb. Flour and 16 Barrels Pease and join Lieut. Du-
-Vernet. Taking 1 Serjeant and 14 men with him
Orders Octr. 31th Watchword: Egmont
Orders November 1st 78 Watchword Sterling
The detachment of the Kings Regiment to be in readyness
to Embark in an hour hence which time as allowed to
Cook the Kettles. The Ottawas and Chippoweys will be
warned for the Same time. Any person Sent down the
Petite Riviere by Major Hay will be Challenged by the
out Sentries and must be furnishd with a counter sign
agreed upon by the Lt. Governor and Major Hay before the
detachment leaves the Beaver Dame [dam]
when the Miamis with the last boats are past the beaver
Dame, the Officer who commands will tak Particular care
to keep the boats together that in case any Accident they
may assist each other. The boats painters are Strong enough
to remove any logs that may lye across the river.

1 November 1778
Received these orders at ten and at 12 Embarkd. The
Governor, myself, Messers. Belfrey, Gaffie young—
Shuffelin, 2 Serjeants and the detachment of the
Kings Consisting 24 Private with Six of the Detroit
Voluntiers. Major Hay came along with us to the
Beaver dame 3 miles from our Camp. The night
the Governor had been here he darned upe the water
and left one Serjeant and three men to guard it with
one Boat and one Perogue both loaded. Upon our
arrival there the dame was let open and we went
through. Major Hay Stayd ther to See it made up again
and we proceeded through the Camain Couvert, a
nerrow little gut full of willows almost meeting over
your head and scarce the length of a boat without
a Point which makes it very Serpintain. After
geting through you get into a quagmire wher you can
Scarce observe anything of a River and the Stream
barly Percievable. About Sun Sett we encamped 6
miles below the Cumen Couvert laying our Boats
a cross a River to rise the water

2-5 November 1778
2d Octr. [sic. ] 78
As the dame keepd the water up we could get any farther
the Indians having an intention to go by land to the
Little Owabashe or opeid Roches. 64 the Governor Orderd a
Corporal and 5 men of the Kings to embark in their boat
with orders to cutt all the trees and logs in the river or
about that would obstruck the boats on there way down
and after they had don to Put themselves Under the Comma-
-nd of Lieut. Du Vernet. After they were gon all the men
off Guard was employd in Darning up the River to have
the Greater quainted [quantity] of water when Major Hay opened
his above and come down: C:S: this night Amherst.
Orders November 3d Watchword Awabache
All this day was employd in making the dame. The
Guard as usual. Major Hay arrived with the last division.
November 4 Watchword Bergoyen
This morning Major Hay with Captain Masonvill and
Twenty men went to the River Langloy in order to make
a dame there. And as ours was finished the men had leave to
Rest themselves. November 5th Watchword Howe
This morning at Seven oClock we began to open our dam
and at nine got all the Boats through when we embarkd
and arrived at the River Langloy at three where we found
64. Little Owabashe is the Little Wabash River, but the
identity of opeid Roches is uncertain. It may be Petit
Rocher, a rocky point in the vicinity of Rocher de Bout.

5-9 November 1778
Major Hay and Party had made a dame which reased the
Water Six feet here. We Encamped with him all night
this is the day the above happened. November 6th Watchword Carleton
November 7th Watchword Boulogne
This morning embarkd at Seven and arrived at
Twelve oClock, made a little halt then Proceeded and enterd
the Shallow Country where the water was Very Shallow and the
River full of large Stons and Rocks. Every man was in the
water draging till Seven in the evening whene we was obligd
to Encamp, hardly two Boats together and the men so fatigued
that they were Scarce able to mount guard
November 8th Watchword Danvers
This morning we began to drag the Boats after taking
half the loading out and with dificulty arrived at the
Petite Roche at ten tho not above a mile from us in the
Morning whene we Sett off. Captain Lamothe 65 with about
Twelve Boats Could not get forward till every ounce of the
loading was taken out. After this was don we Encamped.
Order Camp below the Forks of the Owabash, Wd. Owiat. 66
Eight Perogues with 90 men to go up to the Petit Roche
tomorrow to bring down Provisions. Three Subalterns for this Duty
65. Capt. William La Mothe of the Indian Dept, and the
76 militia. He led a large contingent of English and French
in the campaign.
66. Possibly Great Ouiat, another name for Ouiatenon.

9-11 November 1778
the Batteaus to be hauld up that the carpenters may set
about their repair immediately
Order November 10th Watchword George
Three Perogues to be Sent off to morrow morning early to bring
down the remander of the Provisions from the Petit Roches.
Order November 11th Watchword Charlotte
All the Powder and the ball Catridges which the Several divisions
may have in Store to be given in charge of the Artillery
Directly. Should to morrow Prove fair each division will fire 3
rounds Per man at a mark Set on the opposite Shore for
each division. The Officers will attend and direct the immidi-
-ate repair of any of the Arms which may be found out of order.
After the Camp is changed this day any damaged cartredges
to be given in to the Artillery and the men to be compleated
with fresh ones. The officers to assemble for the future at 3 in
the afternoon at Major Hays tent to recive the orders.
Those of the Indian department will attend at the Same time.

13-14 November 1778
November 13th
We continued repairing the Boats and Perogues till this
afternoon. The 19 horses that came from the Miamis, the eight
was employed in carrying Flour to the Le Rapanehia
to make the Boats go light as the water is Very Shallow on
this Side, the distance being for [four] Leagues. At four in the
afternoo[n] received orders to have every thing in readiness to
Embark early in the morning.
Novr. the 14th
Embarked at twelve oClock in the following order,
Governor in the front followed by the first division
of the Voluntiers Commanded by Captain Lamothe,
Next Captain Masonvill and Company. Serjeant
Parkison and the first division of the Kings Regt.
followed by Lieut. Duvernett with the Gun Boat and
two Perogues of Artillery Stores Serjt. Chapman and
the Second division of the Kings, after which I
followed with my Company. And Lieut. Shuffelin
with the Second division of Voluntiers Composed
the Rear Guard. And major Hay took his Station
in the Rear of this Division

14-15 November 1778
The Rifts having Very little water in them we was
obligd to drag and the Gun Boat being much heaveyer
than any of the other Boats Ocationd the men belon-
-ing to it, to be almost continually in the water which
was Very cold acompanied with a hard northwestwind
obliged the men to make many halts in order to
warme them. This Ocation’d a long rear. And After
going about four miles encampd. We had about
half the Troops with us. And the other half that went
forward encamped in three differant Camps or bodys.
Embark early in the Morning and Arrived at the
Governors camp at Lerabpancher. 67 About two in the
afternoo[n] we encamped with him and those that came
along with him. And Orders was given to have Such
of the Boats as was two Leaky to be immediately
Repaird. Watch word this night St. Thomas
67. L’erable penchee, the sloping maple, a landmark below
the forks of the Wabash River.

16-18 November 1778
November the 16th
At day light Mr. Francios Masonvill as Boat Mr. [master]
Visited all the Boats and Perogues and regulated the
Loading. Acordingly we had an adition of 14000 lb.
of Flour to take in here that the horses took or carryd
from the forks of the Owabachie. We had very little
Draging this day. Encamped three miles below the
River Salomonie 68 17th
Embarked at day break in the usual order and
Encamped about four oClock three miles above
the River Massionnisie. 69 Very Strong rapeds this
two day and the Boats much in danger of being
Embarked at daylight in the usual order. At three
in the afternoon we met three Potawatamis
from the Village of River Angie with whome we
made a little halt. The Governor Sent Messers.
Elliot and Lacell 70 along with them to acquaint
68. The first important tributary below the forks of the
Wabash River.
69. The Mississinewa River, a tributary of the Wabash
80 located below the forks.
70. Matthew Elliott was one of the principal intermedi
aries between Hamilton and the pro-British Indian
leaders. Lacell is probably Nicholas Lasselle, storekeeper
for Hamilton’s militia.

18-19 November 1778
the Chiefs of the Villiage to come and Speak with
him to morrow at Arbere Mallachi, Affter they
departed we Proceeded our Rout. And Arrived at the
Foot of the Raped de Calumet 71 at five oClock where
we Encamped.
At nine oClock this morning the Indians from
the Village arrived Consisting of Potawatamis,
Miamis and Kecabuse 72 about forty in number
and one Mr. Du bois at their head. They formed
on the tope of the hill above our camp and
Saluted in their usual manner. Our Troops was
under arms and their Silute was Answered by
three Guns. After this the Troops was ordered
to fire three rounds each man at Targets in
Presence of the Indians. And the Indians was Very
will Pleasd at their Performance. At the Same time
Mr. Duvernett fired three round Shott at a mark & one
Canister, which Pleasd the Indians mightily.
71. Part of the Calumet River which drains from an
area south of Chicago.
72. Kickapoo Indians, spelled Quiquaboes by the French.

19 November 1778
This being over they were Saluted by Shaking of hands
which being don a Councell was formd, with all the
officers Present and the Chiefs belonging to the differe-
-nt nations that is along with us. The governor told
them that he was glad to See Such a fine day for them
to met and give their hand to their Strong Bretheren.
He then adressed himself to those from the Village and
Said that he told them last year at Detroit whenever
the Enemy of the King entered their ground that he
would com and assist them and drive the enemy out
of their Country, that he now heard the Rebells had
Come into their Country So fare a[s] Owia, And accord
ing to his Promis he was come with those of his Child
-ren now Present and was determined to open the [way]
for them through the whole Country and that he
Expected they would help to do it themselves
To which they answered that they were more ignorant
than their Bretherin that was along with ther father,

19 November 1778
[th]at he was Senceable him self and made them So, for there
Part they lived remote in the woods and had fewe white-
men comming amongest them to learn them anything.
They said that the English, French and Spainards was
all Senceable But that the long knives were fools. But
however they did not come in order to go to war but in a
friendly manner to com and See him and his men, and
that after he would open the road they would follow him.
The Governor then got up and Said he did not come to Stell [steal]
their young men But Such of them as he gave the
Ax to last year to return it of [if] they did not chouse to
follow him, that he had men enough to Clear the count-
-ry of the Rebells now along with him, that the Stream
was now in his favour and he would clear the road by
Land. On which he wished them a good day 8c departed.
Some time after this 22 of them came and got there
Equipment and encamped with us in order to go a
long with

20-21 November 1778
November 20th 78
At nine oClock a Councell with all the Cheifs and those
from the Village Angie Present. And on hearing the Governor
Speak in much the Same manner as Yesterday and lik
-wise being afraid of the Ottawas they Said the Chief that
Spock Yesterday had Said every thing without consulting
them. And that both he and them now Saw that he
Spoke Wrong but their eyes were now oppend and they
would act with the rest of their Bretherin and ende-
-vour as much as any of them to keep the rebells out of
their Country Major Hay and Captain Maghie went
to the Village and on their Arrival and giving Such
an agreeable account of it the Governor went a little
after their arrival by which we had a resting day
Embarked this morning at 8 oClock in our usual way
But the water being so Very low and full of Rocks &
Large Stons that with dihculty one half of our army arrived
at 4 oClock within a mile of the Great rapid. The Govr.
and Captain Lamothes division got as fare as the foot of the
Rapid. But Masonvills Company and Part of the
8th was obligd to leave their Boats & Perogues almost in

21-24 November 1778
the middle of the River, bring there Necessaryes on Shore
and encamp at a Great distance from them. My company
Being near the rear of the Army was at the distance of a
mile from the Rapid where we Encamped by the direction
of Major Hay All the Indians Boats and Cannoes
Being light went on to the Governors camp at the foot of the
Rapid. The greatest Part of the Indians went by land in
order to hunt for themselves and those that went by water.
We embarked at eight oClock and with a great dalle of hard
Labour arrived at the foot of the Rapid at two oClock
Some time after wards hauled up some Boats that
was tou leakie and had them repaird
This day we could not Proceed on our Voage till the
Carpenters had finished the Boats and Perogues they had
to repair
Embarked at 12 oClock the Sick only excepted who
was ordered to go by land in order to lighten the Boats. Passed
Some Rapids this day where the men was much
Fatigued with draging, the water very cold and
[ice?] cutting thier legs. About half amile of the

24-26 November 1778
River was entirely closed up by the ice and was obliged to cut
our way through, But keepd us So late that it was dark night
before we encamped about half amile above the Rapid of
Petie roche 73
We embarked this morning at eight oClock, Passed the
Cut Island at 12 where the water was So Shallow that all
hands was draging even Major Hay, which happened to be
the Second time Since we left the Miamis. We encamped this
Evening at 4 oClock nere the foot of the Cut Island Rapid and
was Saluted on our landing by a few Miamis Indians, after
which they waited on the Governor and three of their young men
intends going along with us to morrow morning
This morning embarked as usual at eight, met with Several Shoal
and a Great dale of ice in So much that we had dificulty in
landing when we wanted to make fires to warme the men. After Passing
the Rapids at 4 oClock we encamped below Gorlick Island. 74
73. Riviere de Petit Rocher, a tributary of the Wabash
below the Eel River.
74. The Isle of Garlic (l’lsle a I’Ail), located four miles
86 from present-day Delphi, Indiana.

27 November 1778
Embarked at eight as usual, met with Great fields of ice this day
But Pretty good water. So that we made use of our Oars only in two
Rapids where most of the men was obligd to drag especially those
in Boats because they draw more water than the Perogues, besides
this the channels in the River are as if cutt Purposely for no other
Craft than Perogues. We arrived at K [one or two words illegible] at 4 oClock called [sic; camped?]
10 miles from Weatono. 75 Just as our tents were Pitched five Savages
from that Plase Arrived in camp, who aquainted us that there was
no less than 200 of their nation ready to Joins us the moment we arrived
at the above Place. They further told us that the Rebels had abandoned
Au Post. How true this is alittle more time will discover. But it agrees
with my own opinion for I never once thought they would make a Stand
either there or at the Illinois with So numbers especially on hearing that
the Lieut. Govr. was comming who they know had all the Indians ready at
[hi]s call
75. A possible variant of Ouiatenon.

28 November 1778
We did not embark this morning be fore nine oClock because
Major Hay with all the Indian Chiefs and interpreters went
off before us to take Possion [possession] of the Fort of Owia. A Very od Circum
-Stance that this Place has been twice taken in the Space of
two months without the firing of a Gun The Governor halted
at the Pans to Speak with some Wiatono Indians that was there
at thier winter hunt. We all arrived nare the Fort about 4 oClock
where we encamped. Alittle after the Camp was formed Mr.
Chapoton 76 of Detroit arrived and waited on the Governor.
But what Passed there on in the fort with major has not come
to my knowledge. Everything Seems to be carried on with great
Secrcay [secrecy] not with Standing that every Batteauman or
ingatie [?] we meet is well aquainted with every Surcumstance
Concerning the Rebels both at Au Post and Ilinois
76. Jean Baptiste Chapoton, a Detroit trader who appar
ently also operated at Ouiatenon.

29-30 November 1778
We had a rest day this day. The 6 pounder was fired at ten oClock
to Salute the Indians. About that time Chapoton came to camp and
waited on the Governor and the Governor Seemed to be very angry with him
for going to the Ilinois because he had only liberty to go to aupost.
If there was any thing els against him we did not know it and
therfore was Sorry for his il tretment Some of the officers and men
having obtained leave to go to the Fort in order to buy some things
was informed that major Hay had ordered them, the People there, the Preceeding day,
not to Sell anything to either officer or Soldier, and besides Said he
took an inventory of every Sort of goods. They had Liquor [use and dry goods; reading uncertain].
This being St. Andrews day 77 I asked all the Officer to dinner. The Governor
and Major Hay would not dine with us upon account of Chapoton
being asked and in Company. All the Divisions fired at Targets
Seperately this day and the Governor Seem’d to be very well
Pleased at the f[iring.] At 4 in the Afternoon Some of the
77. Saint Andrew’s Day is Scotland’s national holiday.

30 November-1 December 1778
Indians of this Place who had been a hunting and Sent for by the
Governor Arrived and was Saluted with a gun. After dinner we
Spen’d the day in Great Chearfullness and mirth
December 1st 78
At ten oClock this Morning the Governor assembled the Owiatans Indian[s]
And the Kicabuse together in Councell, where they own that he
had given them the Ax at Detroit in behalf of their Great father
the King, But that maters were not explained to them Properly by
the Interpreters. They however owned that they did not act with
that Spirit they ought to have don, on the Arrival of the Virginians
And therfore returned the Ax to the Governor and begd him to Sharpend it
for them. This Ceremony being over, Mitisagie 78 Gave them two belts
which he had received from the Six Nations, Desiring the Kicabus[e]
and Owiatonos to Act like men for the General cause with the
Rest of thier Breetheren and Strick hard with the Ax they had
Recieved from thier father the King, and not Permitt any of his Rebellioufs]
78. Methusaagai, A Chippewa chief.

1 -2 December 1778
Children Put a foot on their Lands. The Second Belt was from the
Women of the Six Nations to the Kicabus and Wiatono women beg-
-ing they would not be Idle But the one vey [vie] with the other in
industry by riasing Plenty of corn whilst there husbands and
Relations was at War After the Counsell was over twenty
two of the Wiatonos waited on the Governor to get their Cloathing
and other Necessarys to go along with him, the Kicabus followed
there example and ten of them entered the lists of warrior[s].
December 2d 78
The Indians was to be Spoke with this day So that we could not
think of going. Besides Egushewa 79 and all the other Chiefs had
a feast at which the Governor and most of all the officers wase
Present. This ended at one oClock. The Divisions then fired at
markers. The Governor was well Pleas’d at their firing. At three anoth
-er Party of Indians [arr]ived which I Supose will keep us here to morrow-
79. An Ottawa chief. Also Egushewai and Agushewai.

3-4 December 1778
November [ric] 3d 78
There was nothing don this forenoon but Councelling with the
Kicabuse At two oClock Messers. Wiggins, Dawson, Thompson
and Cottrell came in eight days from the Miamis. In Company with
them came three of Captain Lamoths Company and one of mine
that was left at the Miami, them of Lamoths from Detroit. They
brought a Great many letters for different People in Camp. After
thise four Gentlemen deliverd the letters they brought all to the Govr.
He Asked them what Company or division they would Chouse
to Join, they told he that if he had no objecdons they would Join
my Company. And they came immediately and aquainted me there
with. I thankd them And I was certainly very happy in geting
four Such men 4th
All this day was Spent waiting for an Indian Cheif called
Croocked Legs and his band Consisting of thirty one men
But they Arrived So late that the Governor had not
time to Speak to them. We was therfore obligd to Stay one night
more in our Disagreeable camp.

5 December 1778
November [sic] 5th 78
This morning at half after Seven the Indians that arrived
yesterday came to Camp. They are of the Oweaton tribe and had
about 30 miles to com. This Chief had received a Flag from the
Ribels. On Speaking to the Governor he Said that he had given
his hand to the long knives and received that Flag from them
But that he did not look upon them as their father nor in
any other light than their being white men. However he was
Very Sorry that he had Spocke to them and much more so for
taking there Flag. But he was now ready to give it up to
him whome he knew to be the right father and also to [be]
Ready to go along with him with Seven of his People.
After this was over And their Cloathing given them five
Guns was Ordered to be fired. And tent to be Struck. Mr.
Chapton was deliverd the Packet of letters for Detroit, and
we Embarkd. [And enjcamped Nine Miles from Oweat

6-7 December 1778
6th deer.
This morning embarked as usual at Seven oClock and at four
in the afternoon Arrived at the Rejoicing fields where we encampd.
The Indians encampd Pretty near us this night for the first time.
deer. 7th
The embarkation this morning as usual. Drissling rain all
this Morning. At one oClock Arrived at the River Vermillion, 80 on
the north Side of which Stands a Very Pretty Indian Village.
But all the People belonging to it is at the Highlands at their
winter hunting. Game of al Sorts is Very Plenty in this
Country, the Deer in aboundance [iillegible] across the River, and
Many large flocks of Turkeys and horn Pheasants. At three
oClock we Arrived at our encamping Ground Six miles
below the River Vermillion. The People was very wet at landing
as it had raind most Part of the day, and Continued till 12
at night. The men lay very bad as the Ground was mudy & wet.
80. A tributary of the Wabash, flowing from the north
west in the Kickapoo Indian area.

8 December 1778
It began to Snow at one oClock and at three began to Freese very
hard. We were obligd to make fires in the Tents in order to thaw
them before we embarked which was not be fore ten oClock. The
Boats was ordered to be Six, five or four a breast According to
the number in the division. The Chiefs of all the different nation[s]
waited on the Governor and begd that he would only go only about Six or
Seven miles before we would encamp. We accordingly encampd at [blank space].
The Indians after they encamped Prepared their Mediciens and at
night began to dance, Sing and Conjure according to their custome.
The Pottawatamis, Chippiwas, Miamis and Kikapuse is much
noticed fore this custome. The Hurons and Shawanous does not give
much Credit to thise Antiant [ancient] Ceremonys. Notwith Standing the
others holds it in Great esteem, where they began to discover what
thier manitou 81 had told them, the Chief Manitoe was a turtle, and it
Seems Said that the Governor was to be killd and almost all the English.
Isidore Shane 82 was to b[e tak]en Prisoner and a few of the French kill’d
But [the Indians?] was not to Sufer much
[The last line is badly damaged.]
81. A manitou was a spirit or deity.
82. Probably Capt. Isidore Chesne of the Indian Dept.,
an interpreter for Hamilton.

9 December 1778
[deer.] the 9th 78
This morning at eight oClock embarked in the Same order as yester
-day and Passed the little Vermillion R. 83 or as the Frenchmen call it the
Yallow Vermillion about one oClock. As the Indians was firing at
large flocks that was flying across the River, a ball Struck the
Shawanou Cheif as he was Sitting in Captain Maghees Boat and
Carryd away his Eye after which it went through the mans coat
Sleeve that was Sitting nixt him and then Passed by Mr. Elliots
Nose. The Doctor was immediately called to dress him
we came about 27 miles this day and encampd at [blank space],
The last night being very windy acompanyd some time with rain
and Sometimes Snow Prevented our embarking till one oClocke
The Indian Cheifs came and Spoke to the Governor before we embarked,
Said they were very Sorry for the Accident that happend to one of there
Brothers yesterday, and that for the future they would not Permit any
of [their] Young men to fire at any Game in the River. We came about 9
miles before we encampd.
[Both entries on this page are clearly dated the ninth.]
83. The Little Vermillion River drains into the Wabash
at a point south of the Vermillion River.

10-11 December 1778
This morning embarkd at nine oClock and at 2 landed in
order to refresh the men. But befor we had time to make fires two
Indians came to camp. They were Something Surprisd to See So many
boats and Perogues and I belive So many men. They Said their Cabines
was a days march from the River. They could not give any account
of the Rebels farther than that they heard they gave the Indians at
the Ilinois and Auport as much Rum as they could drink. Talking
to them two take up Some time, and therfor it was thought Necessary
to order the People to encamp, clean their Arms and have them will
Hinted as was only 15 miles from the hight land the Place the Indian
Congurers Said we was to be attack’d at
This morning the men was called under Arms to have their Arms examind
and have the orders of the day read them. The orders was So far-
Necessary and Good, that Part that related to the manner of the landing. But to
order a Parcell of Millitia to Charge the Enemy with Indian knives
in Place of Bay[onets in a] Country full of Brush and underwood,

11 December 1778
is to me Something St[range] from an Officer of Governor Hamiltons
knowledge and experriance. After the order was read to the men and
Grummets afixed to their Oars we embarkd. The Indians all Painted blak
this morning as they made Sure of being attacked this day at the
Highland, but on our Arrival their how Pleasd they Seemd to be when
they found no Virginians there, a People they are much afraid of
Six miles below this we was Saluted by 30 Pesians who drew up on the
Shore and fired Pretty regular and at intervals beating a Drum
much like Military beatings. We all Put to Shore. The Governor landed
and took them all by the hand. A little below this Mr. Gamlins 84 is close
to the River bank. Major Hay land then and took Mr. Gamlin along
with him in his boat, I Supose to give all the information he
Could to the Governor. At four oClock we encamped 2 miles below
Gamlins and a little after Gamblin Arrived with the 30 Indians
that had Saluted us. After they were Seated the Chief began as
84. Lt. Medard Gamelin, Detroit Volunteer Militia. Also

11 December 1778
follows: Father I am Sorry you had So much truble to com So fare
for Seven men for ther is no more at the Auport. It is true Said he
there was 20 Passd this [way] and was at oweat. We might have taken
thim Presonor, I now wish we had. But as the father we had a little time
at the auport left us and hering no news of his coming again made us
think that things had not goon well with our Great father the King.
The long knives made us a Great many fine Promisses and Said they
would drive all the Kings troops and friends out of the Country and that
if the Indians did not keep themselves quite they would drive them from
off thier lands. Also that they expected a Great many Troops to follow them
and that they would open the road to Detroit and every other Part of the
Country. But I find Said he that they are lyers and cannot do any thing
they Said, and therfor I and [am] ready to go along with you. And father you
and I only are able to take the Aupost. The Governor Said he would answer
them in the morning. Mr Gamlin was introduced to the Governor by
Major Hay but he [Seemd to] recieve in very cooly and never askd him
any questions.

11 December 1778
But I am enformed [tha]t he told Mr. Belfry that there were no more
than Seven of the Virginian Rebels at Auport and fifty Frenchmen
they enlisted there and Payd at the rate of eight Dollars Per month. They
have three Enterpreters to whom they Pay three Dollars Per day. The whole of
these Vagabonds are Commanded by one Captain Helm 85 and [an] old
Pack horse man, he Speaks two or three Indian Languages well and is
Cliver in his Speeches to them, in short he is Said to be Perfectly well
aquainted with their Customs. His Lieut, one Williams 86 is Said to
be a Gentiell Young man and an exelent mark sman. Mr. Gamlin
Says that they had once an intention of attacking us at the highland,
But lately Says that they have no Ocation to leave their Garrison to
Come So fare to meet us, as he the Captain is Determind to ma[in]taine
and keep his Garrison or lose his life. They have two Carriage Guns
mounted and in Good Order. But Powder is Very Scarce with them for
when 20 men came from the Ilinois to go and take Possion of the Owiat
they could find no more than Seven Pounds even to buy at a very dear rate.
85. Capt. Leonard Helm of the American army. Also
86. Lt. William Williams of the American army.

11 December 1778
They have two Flags, one hoisted, the other is carryd about wherever
Captain Helm goes. He is much given to Liquor and is every 12 hours
Drunk. He is Some times lockd out of his Gar.rison when he is tow late
in town with Major la Gran 87 or Some other of their officers. His men are
as drunken as him and therfor lock him out. They mount no more than
five men on Guard He Pays his men and the merchants he buys any
thing from with bills of Exchange on Colonel Clark at the Ilinois
And he Pays in the Same manner by drawing on an English mercht [merchant]
at New Orleans. Mr. Gamlin was offered at Lieutcy. which he declind
taking. He had a letter from thence ten days ago in which there is men
tion made of Some two or three Boats being expected there in a few
days with Flour, Liquor and dry goods. 1 forgot to mention that the
Youngest brother of the Fouches left the Oweat two days before we arrived
there and came this way. He told Mr. Gamlin that the Governor had 500
Indians, 600 whitemen and 5 Pices of Canon along with him but that
87. Probably Maj. Le Gras of the Vincennes militia.

11-12 December 1778
he did not expect he would be able to come farther than the forks of
the Owabash this winter as his Boats was all Frose up there in the
Middle of the River. He had two horses with him when he arrived here
but turnd them loose and Stayd here ten days to make himself a canoe
in which he departed two days before our Arrival here. Mr. Gamlin
Likewise informs us that the Peisans that Saluted us on our arrival
had built a Fort of Picketts 15 feet high to defend themselves from
the Chipiwas as they herd that there was no less than 1100 of them with the Govr.
and they are Prodigiously afraid of them, but the reason I do not know
This morning the Guns was taken on Shore and fired as early as Possible
and at nine oClock three Guns was fird to return the Indians Salute.
Yesterday Provisions was Issued to 36 of them but they did not Say how
many was to com along with us. All they Said was that they would be
up with us. At half after ten we embark, and about one we Saw a
Small Raft going a drift, on which orders was given to land immediately
and form. The Indians Sent out a few Runners. They discoverd a few tracks

12 December 1778
which they followed a consitherable distance, and on thier return at night
they Said there was no more then three Persons, that they ran into the
land towards the Plains and that they could not come up with them.
The method we was formd in, on landing was as follows: the Indians
on the left, Captain Lamoths Division nixt them facing to the
Left outwards to cover the left Flank of the Company of Captain
Masonvill, the Regulars and Duvernets Division of Artillery men.
My Company was advanced 50 yds to the right of the Artillery
Division facing to the right outwards, and Lieut. Shuffelins
Division, I Supose as a Corps de reserve, a little in the Rear of
the right. We remained in this Order a quarter of an hour And
the Governor came along the line and Saw that the men was drawn
up according to his orders. He then ordered three Sentrys in the
front of every Division and rest to Ground thier Arms. Orderd
the Boats and Perogues to be brought as closs together as Possible and
to get the tents a Shore and encamp. The Guards and Piquitt as usual.
We [went] 12 miles in this 2Vi hours.

13 December 1778
deer. 13 th
This morning the Indians wanted to go ahunting on which
the Governor told them they might go as we was not to leave our encamp
ment this day. A little after this a young Ottawa calld Kissingua cam to
the Governors tent and Said he would go befor us, that he was tyred of
Staying along with us, that he wanted to eat Buffelow, and that he
would take a prisoner or a Scalp befor we arrived, and Sais he I will go
to my tent, Smoak one Pipe and Sett off. He did according to what he Said,
took one of the Indian Canoes and went his way. But whither his
Going will be hurtfull to our enterprise or not we cannot Say befor
our Arrival at Auport. It is Said by the Indian Officers that he went
away very much displeasd because he was refused a little flour last night.
When they were Victualled, the rest of his Companions made Choice of
Corn and he wanted Some Flour along with the corn which major hay
forbade Mr. Gaffie to give him. At one oClock 17 of the 36 Peseans that
Saluted us the other day came to Camp in order to acompany us to the
Auport. This was Perhaps the Govrs. reason for Staying here to day waiting for them.

13 December 1778
Kissingua 88 the young Indian that left us this morning on returning from
the Governors tent to that of Egushewas opend his Pack and took out
all the Presents he had recieved, and Said as he was going away he
would leave every thing the Great man had given him there, that he would
take non of his Presents along with him. On which Egushewa &
Mishamindawa 89 told him if he was dissatisfyd with the Govrnor
or with them, he might depart as Soon as he Pleasd and go and Join
the Ribels, and aquaint them that they would Soon See them
At ten oClock young Der Kinder, young Cowisa and two Indians
was ordered to embark on board of a Canoe and Proceed down them
River till Sun Sett and then encamp at the Same time. Six Indian Runers
was orderd on each Sid the River and Join Lieut. De Kinder,
Encamp with him and Stay there till the Governor Arrived.
Seeing the track of three men the other day and the raft gave room
for Suspition that [some] of the Enemy was lurking about us,
88. Identified by Hamilton in his journal as a mixed
Ottawa and Miami Indian in company with the Wea
89. Probably Chamintawa, like Egushewa an Ottawa

13-14 December 1778
and on that accou[nt I] presume Mr. DeKinder and Party was orderd
ahead in order to make Some discoverys At 4 oClock an Indian that
was ahunting arrived in camp and Reported that he tracked 5 horses
about 5 miles from camp, he Said they Seem to have ben on the
Gallop and going towards Auport. This I gave Very little credit to because
they had not time enough to Send any of their People So far up the river
Since Young Fouchis Arrived amongest them as he had but two days
Start on us from Mr. Gamlins house
deer. 14th
As the weather was Very Severe last night, wind blowing hard and
Squally, Some Snow and a keen Frost we did not embark before
nine oClock. At 12 we Arrived where Mr. De Kinder had encampd
last night and was Surprizd to See Kissingua and the three that
we had trackd two days ago along with him. De Kinder Sais
that he overtook Kissingua alittle befor he had encampd and
asked him what made him com away and where he was going,

14 December 1778
on which he Smild and Said he did not intend going any further
till the army arrived and that all he Said or did was a meir Joke
The other three he met much about Same time. They are Miamis
and they Say that they had been hunting and lost themselves and that
they made raft to cross the River on knowing the Army was on
the Oposite Side. When they left us he ask’d them if they did not here
the three Guns that was fird two days ago. They answerd no and
Said that if they had not met him they would go Straight on, as
they immagind the Army was before them. They left us the tenth
and all this time was not missed or Say Reported by either of thier
Chiefs or by Mr. Bobian their Officer and Enterpreter. However
I must Observe that their Cannoe and track lost us aday and a halfs
time and in all Probability we would be a aupost this night ha[d] we
not Seen either of these things We encamped at half after three and
Came 56 miles this day but they Seem to me very Short miles

15 December 1778
deer. 15th
This morning at day break two Lieuts. of the Indian department
with Several Indian went on each Sid the River both as a cover
ing Party and to make discoverys incase the Enemy intended attackg
us on our way down in Some advantagious Place. At ten oClock
the Boats a head discoverd Somthing like Cannoes on Shore, on
which Captain Lamoth with his division was orderd to land and
Send a few men to reconiter the distance of one mile from the Shore.
On landing the[y] found Seven or eight Indian cannoes that had been left
there by Some Indians that went into the land to their winter hunting.
Most of our Indians was this day in the front. At two oClock we heard
four Yells from the Party that went On the left Shore. We all Put to the
Shore and landed, and there found one of the De Kinders with the Packan and
his Band who had taken Lieut. Bruite 90 of the French Rebels
Company at auPort and three men in a Cannoe Sent by Captain
Helem from there to look out for us and had Orders to go as fare as the
Owiat incase they could not see us in their way hither. This fellow had
90. Lt. Michel Brouillett of the Vincennes militia; he
found himself in the awkward position of having ac
cepted commissions in both the British and American

15-16 December 1778
Recieved a Commission from Lieut. Governor Abbott, and very un
ducky for him had received his Present Commission the very day he
Came away which was the 13th Instant. They Say there is not an English
man at auPost but Captain Helem and Henry the Gun Smith. 91 But
that one Captain Bolo a native there had raisd a Company of 50
men who does duty in the Fort, And that their Numbers at the
Ilinois does not exceed 50. Every other thing they Say corispond with
what Mr. Gamlin told us a few days ago. After this we embarkd
again and encampd alittle above the cutt Point. 24 miles this day.
deer. 16th
This morning embarkd at eight oClock and after Rowing nine miles
we met two Canoes with Indians comming from auPort. We landed
a little below them and my Company and Masonvills was ordered
to encamp and ten of Lieut. Duvernets Division, the Division of
the 8th Regiment, Captain Lamoths Company. Lieut. Duvernet with
the Gun Boat was ordered to refresh themselves and be ready to embark
when orderd. A few of the different nations of Indians was likewise
91. Also known as Henry the Armourer, he is reported
by Hamilton as having at a later date tried to persuade
Clark to moderate his desire to slaughter Indians whole

16 December 1778
to be in readiness to go along with those, to go and take Possion of Fort
Patrick Henry 9 * under the Command of major Hay. The Governor Stayd
with us. At three oClock they embarked and went away. We all thought
they would get immediate Possion knowing thier was no more than
Fifty men had taken Armes for the Rebels. Indeed we was of opinion
that Captain Helm would make his Escape as Soon as he had
Intilligences of our near aproach, as he could not have much
dependance on those he Commanded. Major Hay landed about 6
miles above the Fort and there made fires and Stay’d till day light, then embarkd
and came within half amile of the Fort. But before he came this length he
Sent Lieut. Fontany De Kinder with a party of Indians a cross the Plains
to Guard the road to the Ilinois incase Captain Helm Should go that way
himself or Send any Person to aquaint Colonel Clark of our Arrival
When the St. Georges Flag which was hoisted on board the Gun Boat was
Seen from the Fort and Town, Major La Gran and Mr. Henry carried
two Rebels Collowers [colors] with them and went to meet Major Hay. Henry on his
arrival attempted to take him by the hand which the major refused telling
92. Fort at Vincennes renamed by Clark when he took it
from Hamilton. Patrick Henry was then governor of
Virginia and had backed Clark’s plan for the defense of
the west.

16-17 December 1778
him that he was very impudent to offer his hand to him after his
taking the Rebels by the hand and immidiately ordered him Prisoner
Not with stand all this I am enform’d by Some of the Gentlemen there Present
that he not only gave his hand to Major LaGran, Captain Boseron 93
and Som others but kiss’d them, and recived them with every mark of
friendship. And thos three officers told major Hay that Captain Helm
was diserted by his Soldiers that he had inlisted here, and at that moment
had but four men along with [him] in the Fort. He never attempted to com
near the Fort till our Arrival which was half after 12. The 17th. On our landing
the Governor order’d a man to remain in every Boat and Perogue. Mason-
-vills Company was order’d to face to the right and march towards the
Town. I had orders to remain with my Company where I was till I had
orders from him to move. X A of an hour after I recieved orders to march
my Company towards the Town and form them 100 yds. to the right of
Lieut. Schuffelins Division. As Soon as the Governor arang’d his little
93. Capt. Bosseron of the Vincennes militia.

17 December 1778
Army he sent to the Fort to demand of Captain Helm to Strick [strike] his Collowers,
that Governor Hamilton was comming in his Majestys name to take
Posession of it immediately. Captain Helm reply as to this mesage, ask
the Governor on what terms he expects the Collowers will be struck and the Fort
Surenderd. On which the Governor Said he would Soon Sho him on what
Terms, then ordered Lieut. DuVernet with the Gun to march on to the
Gate. The Detachment of the 8th followed him, then my Company followed
by Masonvills and Captain Lamoths in the Rear. The Poor man Deser-
-ted by his Officers and men having at this time but three and Seing the
Governor Determind to lose no time he Struck the Collowers. When we came
within 20 yds. to the Fort Gate, and notwithstanding every Percaution taken
to Prevent the Savages geting in, a Number of them got in through Gun
Ports and began to Seas [seize] every thing they coud com at, in the first
Place Anumber of Horses and Hogs. Others again broke the windows
with their Tomhawks and got into the house and took every thing they
could carry away, one Barrel of Tafia, 94 Some Corn and Papers excepted.
94. A type of rum.

17-18 December 1778
After the Savages had gon away with the Plunder the Troops was orderd
to take the boats and Perogues under the Fort, bring their tents & bagage
on Shore and encamp in the Fort. In the mean time the Governor had
Some Private talke with Captain Helm. He Seems to be a Plain honest
disinterested brave man, his conversation entertaining and Spirited,
and I belive the Governor looks upon him as Such for which reason
he is a Prisoner at large on his Parole of honor. This endid this days
worke. I am enform’d that Major Hay amongest the rest was mindfull
of his interest as he Pickd out the best horse that was in the Fort.
The first Part of this day was Spent in cleaning the mens Arms, dressing
themselves and at 12 oClock all the Troops was drawn up on the Esplan
ade where a Royal Salute was bred and three Vollies of Small Arms
followed by 6 chears, three in English and three in French. Then the
Governor very Politely thanked the Officers for their readiness and good
beheavor on the march to this Place. The Inhabitants was disarmd this day

19 December 1778
deer. 19th
The Governor ordered all the inhabitants to asemble in the Church and
after reprimanding them for their weke, unmanly and ungenerous beheavor
he told them that Such as thought themselves Forced to take an Oath
Alegiance To Congress, that he did to not look upon it in anyways
Binding And therfor that he would Propose one for them Such as
would Voluntarily take it to King George the third. The Oath
was to this Purpots [purpose]: Beging his Majesty Pardon for their Past ofenses
and disiring his forgiviness and to receve them as his faithfull
Subjects. They were made repeat every word, tooke God and man
to witness their oath and after Repeating the words Kissd the Cross.
There was no forss in this Oath for he rather forbad them to take it if
they found any thing containd in it that would hurt their Concisnees [consciences]. However
I belive they all took it without acception [exception]. At 2 in the afternoon our
Sentrys on the Boat Guard Saw 2 Perogues comming up the River on which
Report I went with two men in a Boat to See who they were. And as there
was Boats daily expected from the Ilinois with Rum & Flour, we had a Strick

19-20 December 1778
lookout for them. I met them 2 miles below the Fort and on Examining
them they told me that they came from hunting. At this Time there was no
less than 60 men from this Town on that busyness. On their Arrival at
the Fort there was Some Papers found on them for which reason they were
Suspected and threatened to be hung if they did tell every thing they
knew of the Enemy. But they Persisted in there Inocenes. They then were orderd
Prisinors in one of our Guards during this night
The Prisoners being called in this morning for examination would not
Discover anything of the Enemy if they knew any. They Said that they
left 2 Perogues 36 miles below this with People in them that was making
Wine and likwise hunting. On hearing this Lieut. Schuffelen with ten
men was immediately ordered to go and take up to the Fort. Those that were in the Guard
Releassed. But what wild Beef they had in there Perogues was taken for the
use of the Garrison. Lieut. Sheffelen and Party Arrived in the evening with
out Seing any People but Indians. And they were Surprisd to See him knowing
him not to be a Virginian

21-24 December 1778
deer 2[l]d 78
Nothing this day but attending those that came to take the new
Oath. After Gun firing Lieut. Chabert with a Party went down
the River. The Guards this night as usual. [The last sentence is crossed out. ]
deer. 22d
Lieut. Shabert arrived at 12 oClock who Says he Saw nothing, that
is to Say no Perogues or Boats comming up the River which was
his orders to look out for Nothing farther all this day
This morning the Carpenters was order to make a Sort of a Magazine
Covered with Cowhides, after which they began to mak a double
Shad [shed] for to lodge the men in. It is to be open in the Roof
and the fires in the middle which I belive will ocation Plenty of
As the Indians was asking leave to go home and others to war,
Equshewa waited on the Governor and told him that he intended
going down the River and See if he could mett any of the Enemy.
116 On this Lieut. Scheffelin was ordered to get himself ready with Seven of

24 December 1778
Lamoths Company to go a long with Equshewa. What orders he receivd
is not know, But one thing Sure he must be derected by the Indians.
They embarkd at ten oClock and went away. Much about the Same
time Mr. Mathew Elliot with a Party of Indians went towards the falls
of the Ohio to intercept a Boat that was expected there from the
Ilinois Loaded with Salt. At 8 oClock Lieut. Sheffelin wr[o]te a
Letter to the Governor aquainting him that he mett with one Mr.
Lature who had been at the Ohio River a hunting and told him that he had
Seen a Dalewar [Delaware] Chief on his way to the Gerokie [Cherokee] River to meet 400
Gerokies, Chikisas and Creeks with afew Shawanous 8c Dalewars
and that they intended killing every Virginian they would catch going
up or down the Ohio River. This Lature likewise confirmed Some newes
we had formerly heard of a Batteau Going from the Ilinois to the falls
with Salt, and I belive Mr. Elliot went to intercept and this finished
this days transaction

25-28 December 1778
Deer 25th 78
The letter mentioned yesterday I belive Ocationed the Governor to Send One
Hazell 95 and Kissingua Accompany’d with a few Indians after Lieut. Scheffelen
with letters, Belts etc. to the Gerokee River, I Supose to invite them Indians
and their Leader here. What Success that messange will have time
will discover. The Carpenters worke and Cutting fire wood was the rest of this
days employment deer. 26th
There was nothing Material all this day farther then what the orders of the
day will Show 27th
This morning 5 of the Kicabuse went to the Ilinois to Carry of[f] a Scalp
or Prisoner which every body is of opinion they will do, as they are
Recconed very good warriors. Nothing farther worth mentioning
Mr Bobian with Young Mr. Bolon and 13 Indians took thire
departure for the Ilinois. Mr. Bolon I am informed was entrusted
with a Letter from the Governor to the Inhabitants of that Place,
But I am ignorat of the contents of it. I belive Mr. Bobian
95. Edward Hazle, sent with Kissingua by Hamilton to
woo the Cherokees and Chickasaws at the Natchez.

28 December 1778
and the Indians desired to carry off a Prisoner if Possible
Yesterday the Governor gave a Verbale order that all the Inhabitants
Should give in a list of all the Liquor, dry goods & Tobacco in thier
Possession to Major Hay. On the hearing of this Order I waited on
the Governor And told him that on my Arrival here I had ordered the
Italian to buy me three Barrels Tafia and as much Tobacco as
he could Pay for, that I wanted the Tobacco for my trad[e] at Detroit
and expected he would not take it from me and likwise hoped
he would Permite me to keep one of the three Barrels Tafia. He answerd
very cooly and Said that it was his Orders that all Should be taken
without exception, that he had no body to advise with and not
acountable to non in America for his Conduct but two whose names
was very well known, that if he did wrong this road was open for
Representation and Complaint. I told him that if Piople thought
themselves agrived the road was very long if open to represent or comp
-lean of things they did not like

28-29 December 1778
He then in a more milder manner Said that Captain Masonvill
had applyd to him for a Barrel of Taffia as I had don and that
he had given him a denyall and of course could not think of giving
or Granting me a Privelage he had refused to others
I could not help Answering him, and Said I did not look upon it as
Previlage or favor to keep as much of my own Liquor that I had Payd
for as I thought would Serve me while I Stayd in the Place
However I was obliged to com away without any hopes of being allowed
to keep one Single Gill
This morning Mr. Adhemar went round to every house who gave in
Any returns for Tafia or Tabacco which he took giving only recpts
for the quaintitys and Lodged the whole at Bossorons. What Prices
is to be allowed for these Articles I am as yeat igorant of but I am sure
we Shall lose no less than four hundred
Pounds by this Order, and their is no way left us for Redress at Present.

29-31 December 1778
Agreeable to the orders of the 26 there was no less than 32 of my company
had given in thier names to go home and 25 of Masonvills on which
The Governor gave orders that they Should receive thier Pay to the 20th
January, ten days Provisions to carry them to the Miamis and ten
days to carry them from thence to Detroit and march off from thence
a Friday nixt being the first day of the Newyear
From the 29 to the 31 there was nothing happend worth mentioning
But this being the last day that the Dischargd men was to Stay I was
obliged to Settle their Accounts to the 24th and gave each man a draft
on my Partner Mr. Macnamara for the Ballance of their different accounts,
and as they had delivered their Armes they had leave to Lodge in the
Village or any where els they Pleased. It Rain’d So hard this day that
it Prevented Several of the men to come and get thier drafts and me
from writting them, being Lodged in a very bad raged [ragged] & old tent.

1-2 January 1779
January 1st 79
This day I Settled with all my Company Such of them as was
Dischargd, But the rain continouing prevented their going away
and as they could not get away they began to buy Guns for themselves,
being only allowed one for every two men by the Governor, and
they thought it was very ill usage to be So Striped of their Arrnes So
far from home To Save truble to Major Hay the Governor gave them
in Place of a discharge each Only a Pass with all their Names
Mention’d in it and what pay was alowed them. And this Gener-
-all pass or discharge was given to old Serjeant Burgois with
Orders to conduct the whole to Detroit
Notwithstanding the Governors own Order in regard to the People
taking their discharges, he was disapointed in his expection, for
he did not think half the Number would have taken thier dischar
-ges at this advanced Season. And now Seing the rain had continu-
-ed for Several days Which ocationed the Rivers to raise and a Great
Part of the Country over flowed it being very flat for Several miles

2-3 January 1779
from the River, He thought proper to give out an Order command-
-ing all those that was Dischargd and Lodged in the Village to be
Punctuall in attending Rollcalling, Mount guard and go fatigues
as usual. I belive he thought he would frieghten them by this
and that they would beg leave to Stay in their different companys
as they formerly were
The order of yesterday had no other effect than this, that very early
this Morning they embarked their Little Baggage on board four
Perogues and was all off befor ten oClock except the English
Merchants that was of my company. They went by land as they had
bought a horse each. With those Gentlemen I Sent a Negroe man
named George that I engagd to Serve me 12 months for the
Consitheration of £ 36 Newyork Currency. They took their depa
rture at 12 o’clock and I finish this days worke as nothing
els happened

4-6 January 1779
January 4th
Preparing timber for Barracks and Fetching firewood from the
Oposite Side the River was all this days employment
This day employd the People as yesterday. Several of our Indians
took their departure this day. Indeed their is hardly aday that
Some of them does not go away. But as no Person is Present at their
Councills but the Governor, Major Hay and the Interpreters I am
ignorant of what Passes amongest them. Yet I am very Sure the
Indians are dissatisfyed and makes no Scruple of Saying that
they are ill treated and that all their Plans are always rejected.
This day the Governor Ordered one Mr. Mumbro, 96 a man that was a
Lieut, under Captain Helm and one of the 4 that Stayed with
him in the Fort when we took Posession of it, to command all
the inhabitant in their turn to cutt and cart out of the woods large
Square Logs to make three Block Houses. And Such of them as refuised
96. Probably Montbrun, adjutant in the Vincennes mi

6-7 January 1779
to obey him to report them to him and he would find out some way of
Punishing them. The Governor has taken Particular notice of this Lieut.
Mumbro for his Spirited beheavour with Helm and his open and free
Conversattion when he Spock to him, by Saying that he had niver taken
the oath of aligiance to King George. And as he had taken a Comm-
-ission from Captain Helm and likwise Swore Aligience to Congress
that he intended to have don his duty as long as he could and as well as he was able,
But that he now was convenced that he was wrong, and that Piere Gibau 97
had forced the oath upon him against his inclination and
therfor does not look upon it any ways binding, he was ready to take
the Oath to the King and would Serve him with all his heart.
This day the Governor Sent for all the Officers of the Militia Such
as Lieut. Governor Abbott had given Commissions to. Every one of them
had taken commissions from Captain Helm but Since our Arrival they
took the Same Oath to King George as was Prescribed to the inhabitants
by the Lieut. Govr. and taken in the Church. He has been Pleased to give
every one of them Commissions Signed by himself and the Same Rank as
97. Father Pierre Gibault of Kaskaskia, a strong sup
porter of the Americans, characterized by Hamilton as a
“worthless mortal.”

7-9 January 1779
They had by Lieut. Govr.Abbott and Captn. Helms Commissions
And at the Same time giving them Strick charg to keep a Good command over
their different Companys, And report Such Persons as the[y] found any ways dis-
-obidient to thier orders. This being don the New Officers went their
way very much Pleased to See that their late Rebellious beheavour
was forgiven and taken into favour by the man they a few days ago thought had
a right and authority enough to Hang them. They now Seem as gay
and Pretend to be as good Subjects as those that had all there lifetime
been fighting against the Enemys of their Soverign George the third.
This day the Carpenters was employed as usual in Preparing timber
for Barracks to officers and all the men off duty in Geting firewood and
Sinking a well in the Fort. These workes find employment enough
for all hands and besids this the men mount Guard with one night
in bed which is as little as Soldiers can have in Garrison
All this day the People was employed as Yesterday. But at 11 oClock
at night an Indian of this Place that was of Mr. Bobians Party arrived
with one Lungon, a Frenchman that came from the Ilinois with lette[rs] from

9-10 January 1779
Colonel Clark to Captain Helm in which he Says that there [is] 400
Indians and Some whitemen Near the Cohaus the Uper Village of the
Ilinois came from Michilimackinac 98 by the River Ilinois, and that
Severals of the inhabitants were making their escape to the Spanish
Side to avoid the ravages of the Savages. But that he had Published
an order forbiding any of the inhabitants to quitt their habitations
on the aproach of the Enemy on Pain of hauving their Huses [houses] burnt to
ashes and their Effects confiscated. He likwise informed him that
he had Sent a Batteau with 150 Packs of Beaver and Navigated with
25 men to the falls of the Ohio Some time ago, and that 2 Perogues with
Flour and Tafia was on their way to this Place. It appears by this
letter that they had heard nothing of our Arrival at St. Vincent.
This man was 12 day from the Ilinois and was taken by Mr. Bobian &
his Party on his way here. The Plains are all under water which ocationd
his being so many days on his way from thence
Nothing happened this day or nothing don farther that the Ordinary
workes and fatigues in the fort and about it
98. A garrison at the juncture of Lake Huron and Lake
Michigan, commanded by Maj. Arent S. DePeyster. Pat
rick Sinclair was lieutenant governor for this area.

11-12 January 1779
All this day the men were employd in the usual workes
Nothing this day mor than usual till 4 in the afternoo[n] when 2
Perogues arrived from the Ilinois Loaded with fflour and Rum,
the Property of one Jean Course, an inhabitant of this Place. With
those Perogues came Lieut. Scheffelin who left this 24th Ultime
with 7 men of Lamoths Company, 15 Indians and 4 French Volunteers.
On his Arrival he gives the following Account of his Proceedings
at the Ohio and Awabash: that on the Night of the 31st deer,
at 9 miles from the mouth of the Awabash he encamped alittle
below Jean Course and his 2 Perogues, that he had ordered his Corpl.
to Plant a Sentry and by [be] very watchfull as he was expecting more
Perogues or Boats from the Ilinois and was in the mean time
distrustful of Jean Course and his people, not with standing thier
Protestations of Loyalty, that about 9 oClock he found himself
a dry and desired his Servant to bring him Some water and immediately

12 January 1779
drinking a draft he was Seazd with a Dimness and fell down
on his bed and fell into a very Sound Sleep. At 3 in the morning
aweaked and calld to the Sentry but not being answered he then
Call’d the Corpl. No Answer being made him he imediately ran out
to know what was the reason of their not answering, when to his
Surpriz he could find non of their Arms in the Place they were in
befor he went to Sleep. On this Ran to the River to wher the
Boat was and now much more Surprizd than befor
Seing that the Boat was gon and all his Party. He then Asked Jean Course
and his people if they had heard his men going away or if they knew
any thing of their intention befor they did go. Jean Course and
men Said they did not and that if they knew any thing of the matter
beforhand they would have Prevented them. Jean Course told him you
have lost only Seven men, there is Seven more [of] my men. Command them,
You’ll find that they will Stand by you and So Shall I myself, opose you
who will. We will fight as long as we can for you and inbehalf of our King

12-15 January 1779
From the 12th to the 15th nothing happened worth mentioning, as thier
was nothing don but the usual workes about the Fort, and fetching
firewood from the oposite Side. But at 5 in the afternoon
Mr. Elliott and his Party of Indians Consisting of 20 Arrived
from the Ohio falls. He says that they had discover’d a large
Canoe above the Fort at the falls and that he immediately formd
or rather dressed up an Ambuscad to take the People that had
left the Canoe. But notwith standing they Stayd a whole day
in their Ambush no Body appeared, which gave the Indians
Room to Say and Perhaps with reason that they had been discovered
by the Enemy. And therfore was Unanimous in making a retreat.
Mr. Elliott in Vain remonstrated against Such a Shamefull
Proceding and beged they would only Stay Untill they would See
Some of the Enemy a Crossing the River. Supose Said he that 20 of
them Should attempt to Cross. We can have two fires upon them before

15-19 January 1779
they can land, and it will then be time enough for us to run
away when we find that we are Not able to fight them. But going
back without attempting to do Something we Shall be Laughed at.
All the Answer they made was that they had Several young men that
was not used to war and they were afraid to lose any of them
Besids should they be obligd to retrate their was Severalls of them
Could not run So as to Escape the Enemy who they knew ran will [well].
From the 15 to this day nothing worth mentioning. The fire
wood and the Carpenters worke was the attention of every
Person At 10 this morning Lieut. DeVernett Showed me
a letter he had wrote to the Lieut. Governor, Signifying
his intention of going back to Detroit and giving som[e]
hints of this Service being Very disagreeable to him and his
not being will or Civilly used on ma[n]y Ocations Since
he left his Garrison t[o be]come a Volunteir on this Expedition.

20 January 1779
This day Lieut. DuVernett was told by the Lieut. Governor
that he was Very Sorry that things was not more agreeable to
him then he Saw they were, on which Duvernett Said that
Major Hay was the Chief cause of that and that he was sure
that every officer and Soldier on the Expedition hated and
Dispeised him. The Governor confessd that Major Hay
had not a method of gaining Peoples Good will and he was
Very Sorry for it At this moment Lieut. Scheffelin
entered and told the Governor that he had heard that he the
Governor had taken one half of his Pay from him, and that
he had reason to think that Major Hay was the cause of
that deduction. But Says he if you do not choose to give
me my two Dollars Per day as I usually had, you may keep
the whole and Discharge me from the Service The Governor

20-22 January 1779
Said whoever informed him of any Part of his Pay being taken
from him was bad authorr. [authority] and knew nothing of the matter
and gave him imediately a draft for his Dollar as Secretary,
which Pecifyed this truly Loyall 2 Dollar aday Lieut.
Mr. Mathew Elliot as had leave to go home by Way of the
Shawanow towns which the Governor Granted him. He and
Lieut. DuVernett goes together
Nothing hapened worth mentioning
This day Young Bolon Arrived from the Ilinois, this is the
Bolon that left this place 28th deer, with Mr. Bobian and party.
He Says that Egushewa Joined them at the Ilinois with his Party,
and Seing that non of the Ribels was Venturing out of the
Village from Some days, Egueshewa, Calamuti and a Brother
and Nephew of Isidore Shane" was resolved to do Somthing
befor they came away. Left from behind Caskasky 100 and went
towards Fort Charters 101 w[here] Seing some People a worke in the
99. In his journal Hamilton mentions Pierre Chesne as
belonging to a party that seems to be identical to that
mentioned by MacLeod here; the exact relationship be
tween Pierre and Isidore is never specified, however.
100. Presumably Kaskaskia, on the east bank of the Mis
sissippi, and like Detroit, Vincennes, and Michilimacki-
nac, one of the four stations of the British lieutenant
governors. It was captured by Clark 4 July 1778.
101. Fort Chartres, in Illinois on the Mississippi,
founded by the French in 1720. The site is now part of
a state park.

22 January 1779
Fields they [illegible] do[wn wh]en Egush[ewa Said to] his [this line is badly damaged]
Companions that he would go and See who they were, that
Perhaps some of the Enemy was amongest them. The
Frenchmen told him to Stay Still as his going to them
would Alarm then and Consequintly they would Alarme
the Enemy. Elis egerness to take a prison[er] made him follow
the dictates of his own mind and discovered himself to them,
on which they made all the haste they cou’d to the Fort and
aquainted the Rebels that they had discover’d some Strange Indians
on the Road. That very night they Sent mesengers to aqu-
aint Colonel Clark who was at that time at Fort Charters,
and on receiving the mesange he took horse immediately
and Set off for Caskasky Had it not been for Egushewas imp-
atians [impatience] it is Very Probable they would have taken Col. Clark
Preson[er] as he intended to have co[me] that road next morning alon Perha[ps].

e single most important work
relative to the editing of the MacLeod journal
was John D. Barnhart’s Henry Hamilton and
George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution,
with the Unpublished Journal of Lieut. Gov. Henry
Hamilton. Besides being the best work on
Hamilton, Barnhart’s research into place
names, Indian names, etc., proved to be
invaluable. By comparing the MacLeod jour
nal with the Hamilton journal on a day by day
basis a thorough understanding of the British
expedition is possible.
Next to Barnhart the greatest under
standing of the general situation can be
gained from Clarence Alvord’s The Mississippi
Valley in British Politics, Clarence Carter’s
“The Significance of the Military Office in
America, 1763-1775,” Nelson Russell’s The
British Regime in Michigan, 1760-1796, and
Jack Sosin’s two works, Whitehall and the
Wilderness and The Revolutionary Frontier.
They are all important but probably Alvord
and Sosin are the best.
Alden.John R. Pioneer America. New York, 1966.
Alvord, Clarence W. The Illinois Country: 1673—1818. The
Centennial History of Illinois, vol.I. Springfield,
111., 1920.
. The Mississippi Valley in British Politics: A Study of
the Trade, Land Speculation, and Experiments in Imperi
alism Culminating in the American Revolution. Cleve
land, O., 1917.
. “Mississippi Valley Problems and the American
Revolution.” Minnesota History Bulletin 4 (1921-22).
, and Carter, Clarence E., eds., The Critical Period:
1763-1765, Illinois State Historical Library Collec
tions 10, British Series, vol. 1. Springfield, 111., 1915.
Bakeless, John. Background to Glory: The Life of George
Rogers Clark. Philadelphia and New York, 1957.
Barnhart, John D., ed. Henry Hamilton and George Rogers
Clark in the American Revolution with the Unpublished
Journal of Lieut. Gov. Henry Hamilton. Crawfords-
ville, Ind., 1951.
Billington, Ray A. America’s Frontier Heritage. New York,
, and Hedges, James Blaine. Westward Expansion: A
History of the American Frontier, 1492—1896. New
York, 1960.
Bodley, Temple. George Rogers Clark: His Life and Public
Service. Boston and New York, 1926.
. Our First Great West In Revolutionary War, Diplo
macy, and Politics. Louisville, Ky., 1938.
Brebner, John Bartlet. The Explorers of North America:
1492-1806. London and New York, 1933.

Bibliography Carter, Clarence E. Great Britain and the Illinois Country:
1763-1774. Washington, D.C., 1910.
— . “The Significance of the Military Office in Amer
ica, 1763-1775.” American Historical Review 28 (1923).
Caruso, John Anthony. The Appalachian Frontier: Amer
ica’s First Surge Westward. Indianapolis, Ind., 1959.
Clark, George Rogers. George Rogers Clark Papers: 1771 —
1781. Illinois State Historical Library Collections 8,
Virginia Series, vol. 3, edited by James Alton James.
Springfield, 111., 1912.
Curtis, Edward E. The Organization of the British Army in
the American Revolution. St. Clair Shores, Mich., 1972.
Derleth, August. Vincennes: Portal to the West. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J., 1968.
English, William Hayden. The Conquest of the Country
Northwest of the River Ohio, 1778-1783, and the Life of
George Rogers Clark. Indianapolis, Ind., 1896.
Farmer, Silas. The History of Detroit and Michigan; or the
Metropolis Illustrated. Detroit, 1884.
Flexner, James. Mohawk Baronet: Sir William Johnson of
New York. New York, 1959.
Fortescue, J.W./l History of the British Army. London, 1899.
Higginbotham, Don. The War of American Independence:
Military Attitudes, Politics, and Practice 1763-1789.
New York, 1971.
James, James Alton. The Life of George Rogers Clark. Chi
cago, 1928.
Johnson, Ida Amanda. The Michigan Fur Trade. Lansing,
Johnson, William. The Papers of Sir William Johnson.
Edited by James Sullivan, Alexander C. Flick, Al-
mon W. Lauber, and Milton W. Hamilton. Albany,
N.Y., 1921-65.
Keltie,John S., ed. A History of the Scottish Highlands, High
land Clans, and Highland Regiments. Edinburgh and
London, 1879.
Leach, Douglas Edward. The Northern Colonial Frontier: ■
1607-1763. New York, 1966.
Lindley, Harlow, ed. Indiana as Seen by Early Travellers.
Indianapolis, Ind., 1916.
Mason, Philip P. Detroit, Fort Lemoult, and the American
Revolution. Detroit, 1964.
Office of the State Comptroller. New York in the Revolu
tion as Colony and State. Albany, N.Y., 1904.
O’Callaghan, E.B., ed. Documents Relative to the Colonial
History of the State of New York. Albany, N.Y., 1857.
Palmer, Frederick. Clark of the Ohio: A Life of George
Rogers Clark. New York, 1929.
Quaife, Milo M. The Capture of Old Vincennes. Indi
anapolis, Ind., 1927.
. “Detroit and George Rogers Clark.” Indiana
History Bulletin 5, extra issue no. 2 (1928).
Richards, Frederick B. “The Black Watch at Ticonder-
oga.” Proceedings of the New York State Historical As
sociation 10 (1911).
Russell, Nelson V. The British Regime in Michigan:
1760-1796. Northfield, Minn., 1939.
Sosin, Jack M. “The French Settlements in British Pol
icy for the North American Interior, 1760-1774.”
Canadian Historical Review 39 (1958).
. The Revolutionary Frontier: 1763—1783. New
York, 1967.
. Whitehall and the Wilderness: The Middlewest in
British Colonial Policy, 1760-1775. Lincoln, Neb.,
Thwaites, Reuben Gold, ed. “The British Regime in
Wisconsin.” Wisconsin State Historical Society
Collections 18 (1908).
, and Kellog, Louise Phelps, eds. The Revolution
on the Upper Ohio: 1775—1777. Madison, Wis., 1908.
Trudel, Marcel. Atlas de la Nouvelle-France. Laval,
France, 1968.
Van Every, Dale. A Company of Heroes: The American
Frontier 1775-1783. New York, 1962.
Wallace, W. Stewart, ed. Documents Relating to the North
West Company. Toronto, 1934.

Index of Names
Whenever possible, all names are
indexed under their standard modem
forms. Variant spellings appear in
parentheses following the main entry;
very unusual spellings are also
Abbott, Lieut. Gov. Edward, 11,
109, 125, 126
Abercrombie, Gen. Sir James, xvi,
Adams, Mr., xxvii
Adhemar, St. Martin (Adhimer,
Adhmar), 60, 61, 69, 70, 120
Agushewai. See Egushewa
Albany, New York, xvi, xix, xxx
America, 119
Amherst, Jeffrey, xviii
Ansley, Amos (Ainslie), 15, 19, 20,
25, 26, 29, 40, 49, 62, 67
Arbere Mallachi, 81
Au Port, Au Post. See Vincennes
Auglaize River (Grand Glace, Grand
Glaze), 20, 23, 26, 27
Awabash, Awabashe. See Wabash
Banyar, Goldsbrow, xxx
Baron of the Mohawk, xviii. See also
Johnson, Sir William
Beaubien, Charles (Baubin, Bobean,
Bobian), 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 13, 16, 19,
23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 31, 36, 51, 52,
53, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 107, 118,
126, 127, 133
Belfry, Mr., 74, 100
Bermuda, xiv
Black Ribbon, 3
Black Watch. See Forty-second
Bogard, 24, 25, 29, 62, 67, 68
Bolon, Captain (Bollon, Bolo), 18,
109, 118, 133
Boseron, Captain (Bossoron), 111,
Bowen, Daniel (Bowan), 14, 16, 19
Brabant, xvi, xxxiv
Braddock, Gen. Edward, xvii
Brant, Joseph, xxi, xxii, xxiii
Broom, Samuel, xxviii
Brouillett, Lieut. Michel (Bruite),
Brown, Capt. John, xxvi
Burgois, Sergeant, 122
Cahokia, Illinois, ix, x, xi, xiv
Calamuti, 133
Camain Couvert, 72
Camp au Pied Froide, 71
Campbell, Daniel, xviii, xxx
Cardinal, Millet (Cardinale, Miate),
Carleton, Lieut. Gov. Guy
(Charlton), xxxiii, xxxiv
Caskasky. See Kaskaskia
Celoron, Jean Baptiste (Celoron,
Seloron, Siloron), xi, 11, 17, 18,
24, 47
Chabert, Lieut. Francois Joncaire
(Shabear, Shabert), 67, 116
Chapman, Sergeant, 78
Chapoton, Jean Baptiste (Chapeton,
Chapton), 88, 89, 93
Cherokee Indians (Gerokie), 117
Cherokee River (Gerokee, Gerokie),
117, 118
Chesne, Capt. Isadore (Shane), 95,
Chevalier, Louis (Shevallie,
Shevallier, Shevally), 39, 56, 58
Chicago, Illinois (Shicago, Shicagoe,
Shucago), 29, 39, 58
Chickasaw Indians (Chikisos), 117
Chippewa Indians (Chipiwas,

Chippaweys, Chippiwas), 73, 95,
Clark, Col. George Rogers, ix, x, xi,
xiii, xiv, xv, xxxiii, 18, 101, 110,
Claus, Daniel, xix, xx, xxx
Coghnawage, xxx
Cohaus, 127
Cottrel, Mr. (Contrell, Cotrell,
Cottrell), 22, 23, 25, 52, 54, 55,
58, 92
Course, Jean, 128, 129
Cowisa, Mr., 105
Creek Indians, 117
Croghan, George, xviii, xix, xx, xxiii
Crooked Legs, 92
Cumberland, Duke of, xx
Curott, xxv
Cut Island, 86
Cutt Nose, 58
Cutt Point, 109
Dagenet, Ambroise (Dequanic), 17
Dartmouth, Earl of, x
Davernett. See Du Vernet, Lieut.
Dawson, Mr., 92
De Blainville, Pierre Joseph
Celeron, xi
De Render, De Kendr, De Kinder.
See De Quindre
Dejean, Monsieur, xxii
Delaware Indians (Dalewar), 117
Dennison, Mr. (Deneson), 62, 67
De Peyster, Major, xxxiii
De Quandre. See De Quindre
Dequanic. See Dagenet, Ambroise
138 De Quindre (de Kaint, de Kander,
de Render, de Kendr, de
Renders, de Kent, de Kinder, De
Quandre, Der Kinder), Fontiney,
16, 110; Franfois, 14, 16;
unidentified, 15, 17, 18, 23, 24,
25, 26, 27, 36, 40, 45, 49, 61, 62,
63, 68, 70, 73, 105, 106, 108
Detroit, Michigan, ix, x, xi, xiii, xv,
xviii, xx, xxii, xxxii, xxxiii, xxxiv,
xxxv, 3, 5, 7, 8, 15, 21, 32, 33, 34,
35, 38, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 62, 66,
67, 74, 82, 88, 90, 92, 93, 99, 119,
121, 122, 131
Detroit River, xi
Dominica, xiv
Dubois, Mr., 63, 81
Du Vernet, Lieut. Henry
(Davernett, Devernett, Divernet,
Duvernett), xxxiii, 66, 69, 70, 71,
72, 73, 75, 78, 81, 103, 109. 112,
131, 132, 133
Edgar, William, xxxii
Eel River (River Angu), 40
Egushewa (Agushewai, Egushewai),
91, 105, 116, 117, 133, 134
Eightieth Regiment, xvii, xviii, xxiv,
Elair, Alexander, 7, 15, 16
Elliott, Matthew (Elliot), 80, 96, 117,
130, 133
Farrell, Daddy, xxiv
Fonteny, Mr., 46
Fort Boon, Kentucky, 16
Fort Charters, Illinois, 133, 134
Fort Erie, Ontario, xxxiii
Fort of Owia. See Ouiatenon
Fort Niagara, New York, xx, xxiii,
xxiv, xxvi, xxvii
Fort Ontario (Oswegatchy), New
York, xviii, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii,
xxxi, xxxii
Fort Patrick Henry, Indiana, xii,
xiii, 110
Fort Pitt, Pennsylvania, xx
Fort Sackville, Indiana, xiii, xiv,
Fort Saint Joseph, Michigan, xi
Fort Ticonderoga (Fort Carillon),
New York, xvi
Fort Wayne, Indiana, xii
Forty-second Highland Regiment,
xvi, xvii, xviii, xx
Foucher, Mr. (Fouchie, Fouschis,
Foushic), 47, 63, 106
Franklin, Governor, xxviii
Gaffie, Mr., 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 54,
61, 62, 65, 68, 69, 70, 74, 104
Gage, Thomas, xvii, xxv, xxvi, xxxi
Gage’s Light Infantry. See Eightieth
Gamelin, Lieut. Medard (Gamblin,
Gamlin), 98, 99, 100, 101, 102,
106, 109
George III, king of England, 125,
Gerokee, Gerokie River. See
Cherokee River
Gerokie Indians. See Cherokee
Gibault, Father Pierre (Gibau), 125
Godfroy, Daniel-Maurice, 43
Gorlick Island. See Isle of Garlic
Gouin (Gowan, Gowen, Gowin):

Charles, 3, 11, 13; Nicholas, 11,
13, 31, 36, 53; unidentified, 7, 8,
9, 18, 24, 38, 45, 46, 50, 52, 54,
55, 58,59, 60,61,62,68, 69,71
Grand Glace, Grand Glaze. See
Auglaize River
Grand Sou, 28
Great Rapits, 15
Gregory, John, xxxiv
Haldimand, Gen. Frederick, xvi,
xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii
Halifax, Nova Scotia, xvi
Hamilton, Gov. Henry, x, xi, xii,
xiii, xiv, xxxii, xxxiv, 4, 37, 48, 98,
Harbor View, Ohio, xi
Hay, Maj. Jehu, xxxiii, 8, 67, 68, 69,
70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 84, 85,
86, 88, 89, 98, 99, 104, 110, 111,
113, 119, 122, 124, 132
Hazle, Edward (Hazell), 118
Helm, Capt. Leonard (Helem), xii,
100, 101, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112,
113, 124, 125, 126, 127
Henry the Gun Smith, 109, 110
Holland, xvi, xxxiv
Huron Indians, 95
Illinois (Ilinois), x, xiii, xiv, xv, xx,
18, 87, 88, 89, 97, 100, 101, 109,
110, 114, 117, 118, 126, 127, 128,
Illinois River, xi
Island Beman (Bima), 16, 18
Island Giete, 6
Isle of Garlic (Gorlick Island), 86
Isle of Skye, Scotland, xvi
Johnson, John, xix
Johnson, Lieut. Guy, xviii, xx, xxiii,
xxv, xxix
Johnson, Sir William, xv, xviii, xix,
xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi,
xxvii, xxx, xxxi, xxxii
Kaskaskia (Caskasky), Illinois, ix, x,
xii, xiii, xiv, 133, 134
Kecabuse. See Kickapoo Indians
Kentucky, ix
Kickapoo Indians (Kecabuse,
Kicabuse, Kikapuse), 81, 90, 91,
92, 95, 118
Kissingua, 104, 105, 118
La Fontain, Mr. (La Frontain), 22,
23, 52, 54, 55, 58
La Gran, Major. See Le Gras, Major
Lake Champlain, xvi
Lake Erie, xi
La Mothe, Capt. William (La Moth,
Lamoth, Lamothe), xxxiii, 76, 78,
84, 92, 103, 108, 109, 112, 117,
Langlois Creek (River Angie, River
Angis, River Langloy), 29, 63, 75,
Lasselle, Nicholas (Lacell), 80
Lature, Mr., 117
Le Gras, Major (la Gran), 101, 110,
Lemoult, Captain, xxxiii
L’erable penchee (Lerabpancher,
Lesabpancher), 79
Little Owabashe. See Little Wabash
Little River (Petite Rivire), 64, 66,
67, 68, 69, 72, 73
Little Wabash River, 75
Little Vermillion River, 96
Lorrain, Nicholas (Lorain, Loran,
Loren, Lorime, Lorin, Lovan), 3,
7, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 28,
29, 30, 37, 40, 45, 48, 52, 62
Loudon, Lord, xvi
Louisbourg, Nova Scotia, xvi
Louisville, Kentucky, x
Lovan, Mr. See Lorrain, Nicholas
Lungon, Mr., 126
McBeth, Surgeon (McBeath), 66
MacDougal, Mr., xxix
McDrum, Mr., 14
MacGregor, Gregor, xxxii
McGregor, Mr., 68
McKee, Capt. Alexander, xxxiii, 14,
60, 84, 96
Mackivers, Mr., xxvii
MacLeod, Mrs., xix, xxiii, xxiv, xxv,
xxix, xxx, xxxiv, 5, 20, 47, 66
MacLeod, John, xxxii
MacLeod, Capt. Normand, xi, xv,
xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii,
xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii,
xxix, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii,
xxxiv, 13, 19, 24, 25, 26, 29, 44,
47, 48, 53, 60, 61, 65, 69, 70
Macnamara, Mr. (Mucnamara), 47,
Macomb, Alexander, xxxii
MacTavish, Simon, xxxii
Maghee, Maghie, Magie. See McKee,
Capt. Alexander
Magluskie, Patrick, 14

Maisonville, Capt. Francois
(Masonvill, Masonville), 31, 40,
43, 44, 67, 70, 71, 75, 78, 80, 84,
103, 109, 111, 112, 120, 121
Manijnoc, 58
Mary Delarme Creek (Marie de
Larme), 28
Mathews, Captain, xxxiii
Methusaagi (Mitisagie), 90
Miami Indians, xi, 3, 11, 73, 81, 86,
95, 107
Miami Landing (Miamie), 47, 48,
50, 53, 59, 61
Miami River, xi
Miami Town (Miame, Miamie), 3, 5,
7, 8, 9, 11, 16, 19, 22, 23, 25, 26,
28, 29, 30, 37, 63, 64, 78, 86, 92,
121 .
Michilimackinac, Michigan, x, xi,
xiii, xx, xxiii, 127
Mississinewa River (Massionnisie),
Mississippi River (Misisipee,
Misisipi, Misisipie), ix, x, xiii, 8,
33, 37
Mitisagie. See Methusaagi
Moguagors. See Monguagon
Mohawk River, xxx
Monguagon, Michigan, 14
Monongahela River, xvii
Montbrun, Mr. (Murrebro,
Murrobro), 124, 125
Montreal, Quebec, x, xxxiv
Montrea (Montry), 24, 25, 29, 62
Moran, Mr. (Morran), 63, 64
Morris, Colonel, xxix
Morten, 55
Mucnamara. See Macnamara, Mr.
Murrebro, Murrobro. See
Montbrun, Mr.
New Orleans, Louisiana, 101
New York, xvi, xx, xxvii, xxxii,
New York City, xix, xx, xxii, xxiii,
xxvii, xxx
Ohio River, x, xi, xiii, 117, 127, 128,
Onondagas, xxii
Opied Roches. See Petit Rocher
Opost. See Vincennes, Indiana
Oswegatchy. See Fort Ontario
Ottawa Indians, 73, 84
Otter Creek (Otter River), 3, 5
Ouiatenon, 11, 18, 39, 40, 41, 44,
47, 63, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 99, 100,
101, 108
Owabachie, Owabash. See Wabash
Oweat, Oweatan, Oweaton, Owia,
Owiat. See Ouiatenon
Pacane (Packan, Pashan), 40, 41, 43,
44, 47, 66, 108
Parkinson, Sergeant, 78
Pei Pla, 20
Pennsylvania, ix
Petite Rivire. See Little River
Petty, J., 19, 20
Point Carrial, 30
Point or River of Rocks. See Rock
Point O Shain. See Pointe au Chene
Point Raisin (Raision), 5
Pointe au Chene (Point O Shain), 5,
Pontiac (Pondiac), xxii
Post St. Vindne. See Vincennes,
Potawatami Indians (Pottawatami),
80, 81, 95
Prarie Point, 27
Presque Isle (Presquille, Prisquill),
10, 11, 13
Prevost, Augustine, xix
Quebec, ix, x, xiv
Rapanehia, le. See Rappahannock
Rapid de Calumet, 81
Rapid of Petie Roche. See Riviere de
Petit Rocher
Rapit de Beuf, 30
Rappahannock River (le
Rapanehia), 78
River Angie, Angis. See Langlois
River Angu. See Eel River
River Langloy. See Langlois Creek
River Massionnisie. See Mississinewa
Riviere de Petit Rocher (Opied
Roches, Petie Roche, Petit Roches,
Petite Roche), 75, 76, 77, 86
Rivington, James, xxx
Roberts, Benjamin, xxiii, xxv, xxix,
Rocher de Baut (Rush de Baut), 61
Rock River, 3
Rogers, James, 17
Rogers, John, xiv
Rush de Baut. See Rocher de Baut

St. Cosme, Lieut. Pierre (St. Come,
Sancombs), 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72
Saint Joseph, Michigan, 29, 39, 40,
St. Marie, Bourbon (St. Marrie), 22,
23, 47, 52, 58, 63, 64
St. Martin, Adhemar. See Adhemar,
St. Mardn
St. Vincens, St. Vincent, St. Vinces,
St. Vindens.See Vincennes, Indiana
Salomonie River, 80
Sancombs. See St. Cosme, Lieut.
Sandusky, Ohio, 6
Schieffelin, Lieut. Jacob (Scheffelen,
Schefflen, Schefflin, Schuffelen,
Schuffiien, Sheffelin, Shuffelin,
Shufflin), xxxiii, 9, 13, 49, 61, 65,
66, 70, 71, 72, 74, 78, 103, 111,
115, 116, 117, 118, 128, 132
Schenectady, New York, xix, xxiii,
Sears, Isaac, xxviii
Seloron. See Celeron, Jean Baptiste
Seneca Indians, xxiii
Shabear, Shabert. See Chabert,
Lieut. Francois Joncaire
Shane, Isadore. See Chesne, Capt.
Shawanoe Road, 64
Shawnee Indians (Shawanoees,
Shawanoes, Shawanous), 17, 59,
95, 117
Sheffelin. See Schieffelin, Lieut.
Shevallie, Shevallier, Shevally. See
Chevalier, Louis
Shicago, Shicagoe, Shucago. See
Chicago, Illinois
Shuffelin. See Schieffelin, Lieut.
Sinclair, Patrick, x
Son of the Tobacco, 40, 41
Stuart, John, xiii
Tennessee, ix
Tennessee River, xii, xiii
Teyawharunti, xxii
Thompson, Mr., 92
Toledo, Ohio, xii
Van Eps, John, xxiii
Vermillion River, 94
Village Angie, 84
Vincennes, Indiana (Auport, Index
Aupost, Opost, Post St. Vincine,
St. Vincenns, St. Vincens, St.
Vincent, St. Vinces, St. Vindens,
St. Vintins), ix, x, xii, xiii, xiv, xv,
xviii, 7, 18, 23, 29, 41, 87, 88, 89,
97, 99, 100, 104, 106, 107, 108,
109, 127
Virginia, ix, xi, xiv, 18
Wabash Indians, xi
Wabash River, ix, xii, xiv, xv, xvii,
29, 32, 33, 34, 38, 72, 76, 80, 102,
Walters, William, xviii
Watts, Mr., xxvii
Weatono. See Ouiatenon
West Indies, xiv
Wia, Wiatono. See Ouiatenon
Wiggins, Mr. (Wigans, Wiggans,
Wiggens), 46, 50, 52, 54, 58, 92
Wild Beast, 38
Williams, Isaac, 6, 7, 8
Williams, William, 100
Woolfs Rapit, 14
Yellow Vermillion. See Little
Vermillion River